作者: Samuel P. Huntington
ISBN: 9780684844411
页数: 367
定价: 145.0
出版社: Simon & Schuster
装帧: 平装
出版年: 1998-01-28
页数: 367
定价: 145.0
出版社: Simon & Schuster
装帧: 平装
出版年: 1998-01-28
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简介 · · · · · ·
The thesis of this provocative and potentially important book is the increasing threat of violence arising from renewed conflicts between countries and cultures that base their traditions on religious faith and dogma. This argument moves past the notion of ethnicity to examine the growing influence of a handful of major cultures--Western, Eastern Orthodox, Latin American, Islam... (展开全部)
The thesis of this provocative and potentially important book is the increasing threat of violence arising from renewed conflicts between countries and cultures that base their traditions on religious faith and dogma. This argument moves past the notion of ethnicity to examine the growing influence of a handful of major cultures--Western, Eastern Orthodox, Latin American, Islamic, Japanese, Chinese, Hindu, and African--in current struggles across the globe. Samuel P. Huntington, a political scientist at Harvard University and foreign policy aide to President Clinton, argues that policymakers should be mindful of this development when they interfere in other nations' affairs. --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.
Huntington here extends the provocative thesis he laid out in a recent (and influential) Foreign Affairs essay: we should view the world not as bipolar, or as a collection of states, but as a set of seven or eight cultural "civilizations"?one in the West, several outside it?fated to link and conflict in terms of that civilizational identity. Thus, in sweeping but dry style, he makes several vital points: modernization does not mean Westernization; economic progress has come with a revival of religion; post-Cold War politics emphasize ethnic nationalism over ideology; the lack of leading "core states" hampers the growth of Latin America and the world of Islam. Most controversial will be Huntington's tough-minded view of Islam. Not only does he point out that Muslim countries are involved in far more intergroup violence than others, he argues that the West should worry not about Islamic fundamentalism but about Islam itself, "a different civilization whose people are convinced of the superiority of their culture and are obsessed with the inferiority of their power." While Huntington notes that the war in Bosnia hardened into an ethno-religious clash, he downplays the possibility that such splintering could have been avoided. Also, his fear of multiculturalism as a source of American weakness seems unconvincing and alarmist. Huntington directs the John M. Olin Institute for Strategic Studies at Harvard.
Copyright 1996 Reed Business Information, Inc. --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.
This book attracted attention because of its thesis that the "clashes of civilizations are the greatest threat to world peace." However, Huntington's work is important here for his second chapter on the nature and study of civilizations (with its excellent bibliographic sources), and his last chapter on the future of the West and other "core" civilizations.
Copyright 1999 Reed Business Information, Inc.
The Huntington argument that the West should stop intervening in civilizational conflicts it doesn't understand makes a powerful claim that internationalists cannot easily ignore. The question is whether there remain certain human interests that all civilizations had better endorse for our common survival. --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.
For those attentive to foreign affairs, durable political analyst Huntington is certain to excite debate, and not only for his concluding scenario for World War III, the post^-cold war version. That could happen if the U.S. mishandles an increasingly xenophobic and truculent China: remember, a Chinese officer during the latest Taiwan crisis reminded the U.S. that China can nuke Los Angeles. Chinese assertiveness, Huntington argues, arises out of its felt grievances against a relatively weakening West, a phenomenon of resentment and temptation existing wherever the West has contact with another civilization. After China, the gravest challenge to the West, Huntington maintains, is resurgent Islamic identity, and to those believing only violent radicals hate the West, the author asserts "fourteen hundred years of history demonstrate otherwise." So what to do? Atop Huntington's agenda is that the West should give up universalizing its values and rather ensure their survival within a stronger European-North American alliance to offset the emerging Sino-Islamic grouping. A set of sharp, controversial theses and a coherent message make this a critical current affairs book. Gilbert Taylor --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.
The thrust of Huntington's argument rejects the notion of a world inevitably succumbing to Western values. To the contrary, he argues, the West's influence in the world is waning because of growing resistance to its values and the reassertion by non-Westerners of their own cultures.
The book successfully shifts the discussion of the post-cold-war world from ideology, ethnicity, politics, and economics to culture--and especially to the religious basis of culture, a subject generally ignored in contemporary political science. Huntington is right to warn us against facile generalizations about the world becoming one; to point out the resilience of civilizations to foreign influences; and to underscore the ease with which religious values become secularized.
Though he denies it, the political implication of Huntington's thesis is isolationism: the recommendation that the West in general, and the United States in particular, refrain from conflict with other civilizations as well as involvement in their internal quarrels. His advice for the Western powers is to draw closer together, maintain their strength, and, above all, recognize "that Western intervention in the affairs of other civilizations is probably the single most dangerous source of instability and potential global conflict in a multicivilizational world." --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.
Zbigniew Brzezinski
An intellectual tour de force: bold, imaginative, and provocative. A seminal work that will revolutionize our understanding of international affairs.
Henry A. Kissinger
Sam Huntington, one of the West's most eminent political scentists, presents a challenging framework for understanding the realitites of global politics in the next century. The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order is one of the most important books to have emerged since the end of the Cold War.
Richard Bernstein
The New York Times
A benchmark for informed speculation on those always fascinating questions: Just where are we in history? What hidden hand is controlling our destiny?...A searching reflection on our global state.
Michael Elliott
The Washington Post Book World
The book is studded with insights, flashes of rare brilliance, great learning, and in particular, an ability to see the familiar in a new and provocative way.
Francis Fukyama
The Wall Street Journal
The book is dazzling in its scope and grasp of the intricacies of contemporary global politics.
Wang Gungwu
The National Interest
This is what is so stunning about The Clash of Civilizations: It is not just about the future, but may actually help to shape it.
Francis Fukyama The Wall Street Journal The book is dazzling in its scope and grasp of the intricacies of contemporary global politics.
Huntington here extends the provocative thesis he laid out in a recent (and influential) Foreign Affairs essay: we should view the world not as bipolar, or as a collection of states, but as a set of seven or eight cultural "civilizations"?one in the West, several outside it?fated to link and conflict in terms of that civilizational identity. Thus, in sweeping but dry style, he makes several vital points: modernization does not mean Westernization; economic progress has come with a revival of religion; post-Cold War politics emphasize ethnic nationalism over ideology; the lack of leading "core states" hampers the growth of Latin America and the world of Islam. Most controversial will be Huntington's tough-minded view of Islam. Not only does he point out that Muslim countries are involved in far more intergroup violence than others, he argues that the West should worry not about Islamic fundamentalism but about Islam itself, "a different civilization whose people are convinced of the superiority of their culture and are obsessed with the inferiority of their power." While Huntington notes that the war in Bosnia hardened into an ethno-religious clash, he downplays the possibility that such splintering could have been avoided. Also, his fear of multiculturalism as a source of American weakness seems unconvincing and alarmist. Huntington directs the John M. Olin Institute for Strategic Studies at Harvard.
Copyright 1996 Reed Business Information, Inc. --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.
This book attracted attention because of its thesis that the "clashes of civilizations are the greatest threat to world peace." However, Huntington's work is important here for his second chapter on the nature and study of civilizations (with its excellent bibliographic sources), and his last chapter on the future of the West and other "core" civilizations.
Copyright 1999 Reed Business Information, Inc.
The Huntington argument that the West should stop intervening in civilizational conflicts it doesn't understand makes a powerful claim that internationalists cannot easily ignore. The question is whether there remain certain human interests that all civilizations had better endorse for our common survival. --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.
For those attentive to foreign affairs, durable political analyst Huntington is certain to excite debate, and not only for his concluding scenario for World War III, the post^-cold war version. That could happen if the U.S. mishandles an increasingly xenophobic and truculent China: remember, a Chinese officer during the latest Taiwan crisis reminded the U.S. that China can nuke Los Angeles. Chinese assertiveness, Huntington argues, arises out of its felt grievances against a relatively weakening West, a phenomenon of resentment and temptation existing wherever the West has contact with another civilization. After China, the gravest challenge to the West, Huntington maintains, is resurgent Islamic identity, and to those believing only violent radicals hate the West, the author asserts "fourteen hundred years of history demonstrate otherwise." So what to do? Atop Huntington's agenda is that the West should give up universalizing its values and rather ensure their survival within a stronger European-North American alliance to offset the emerging Sino-Islamic grouping. A set of sharp, controversial theses and a coherent message make this a critical current affairs book. Gilbert Taylor --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.
The thrust of Huntington's argument rejects the notion of a world inevitably succumbing to Western values. To the contrary, he argues, the West's influence in the world is waning because of growing resistance to its values and the reassertion by non-Westerners of their own cultures.
The book successfully shifts the discussion of the post-cold-war world from ideology, ethnicity, politics, and economics to culture--and especially to the religious basis of culture, a subject generally ignored in contemporary political science. Huntington is right to warn us against facile generalizations about the world becoming one; to point out the resilience of civilizations to foreign influences; and to underscore the ease with which religious values become secularized.
Though he denies it, the political implication of Huntington's thesis is isolationism: the recommendation that the West in general, and the United States in particular, refrain from conflict with other civilizations as well as involvement in their internal quarrels. His advice for the Western powers is to draw closer together, maintain their strength, and, above all, recognize "that Western intervention in the affairs of other civilizations is probably the single most dangerous source of instability and potential global conflict in a multicivilizational world." --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.
Zbigniew Brzezinski
An intellectual tour de force: bold, imaginative, and provocative. A seminal work that will revolutionize our understanding of international affairs.
Henry A. Kissinger
Sam Huntington, one of the West's most eminent political scentists, presents a challenging framework for understanding the realitites of global politics in the next century. The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order is one of the most important books to have emerged since the end of the Cold War.
Richard Bernstein
The New York Times
A benchmark for informed speculation on those always fascinating questions: Just where are we in history? What hidden hand is controlling our destiny?...A searching reflection on our global state.
Michael Elliott
The Washington Post Book World
The book is studded with insights, flashes of rare brilliance, great learning, and in particular, an ability to see the familiar in a new and provocative way.
Francis Fukyama
The Wall Street Journal
The book is dazzling in its scope and grasp of the intricacies of contemporary global politics.
Wang Gungwu
The National Interest
This is what is so stunning about The Clash of Civilizations: It is not just about the future, but may actually help to shape it.
Francis Fukyama The Wall Street Journal The book is dazzling in its scope and grasp of the intricacies of contemporary global politics.
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新颖和独特的视角来看待世界政治
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- Triton 中国为什么会崛起? 我个人认为是我们的文化和民族素质. 当最高层决定放弃政治内斗,发展国家时,蕴藏的能力就喷薄而出. 我不是很同意作者对于世界的展望,和一些现实政治的分析.但是我认为他的视角和方法是值得借鉴的. 他对于中国的把握不是很准确,但观察还是细致和全面的. 他缺乏了解中国文化的内涵和本质,这是留给我...... (1回应)
2009-10-21
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| A temporary reflection on the book of “The clash ... | 来自Spencer | 3 回应 | 2009-10-04 |
| 很多人说世界不是按照书里的预测发展的 | 来自abrahamstrange | 2009-06-04 |
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