作者: Samuel P. Huntington
ISBN: 9780684844411
页数: 367
定价: 145.0
出版社: Simon & Schuster
装帧: 平装
出版年: 1998-01-28
页数: 367
定价: 145.0
出版社: Simon & Schuster
装帧: 平装
出版年: 1998-01-28
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简介 · · · · · ·
The thesis of this provocative and potentially important book is the increasing threat of violence arising from renewed conflicts between countries and cultures that base their traditions on religious faith and dogma. This argument moves past the notion of ethnicity to examine the growing influence of a handful of major cultures--Western, Eastern Orthodox, Latin American, Islam... (展开全部)
The thesis of this provocative and potentially important book is the increasing threat of violence arising from renewed conflicts between countries and cultures that base their traditions on religious faith and dogma. This argument moves past the notion of ethnicity to examine the growing influence of a handful of major cultures--Western, Eastern Orthodox, Latin American, Islamic, Japanese, Chinese, Hindu, and African--in current struggles across the globe. Samuel P. Huntington, a political scientist at Harvard University and foreign policy aide to President Clinton, argues that policymakers should be mindful of this development when they interfere in other nations' affairs. --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.
Huntington here extends the provocative thesis he laid out in a recent (and influential) Foreign Affairs essay: we should view the world not as bipolar, or as a collection of states, but as a set of seven or eight cultural "civilizations"?one in the West, several outside it?fated to link and conflict in terms of that civilizational identity. Thus, in sweeping but dry style, he makes several vital points: modernization does not mean Westernization; economic progress has come with a revival of religion; post-Cold War politics emphasize ethnic nationalism over ideology; the lack of leading "core states" hampers the growth of Latin America and the world of Islam. Most controversial will be Huntington's tough-minded view of Islam. Not only does he point out that Muslim countries are involved in far more intergroup violence than others, he argues that the West should worry not about Islamic fundamentalism but about Islam itself, "a different civilization whose people are convinced of the superiority of their culture and are obsessed with the inferiority of their power." While Huntington notes that the war in Bosnia hardened into an ethno-religious clash, he downplays the possibility that such splintering could have been avoided. Also, his fear of multiculturalism as a source of American weakness seems unconvincing and alarmist. Huntington directs the John M. Olin Institute for Strategic Studies at Harvard.
Copyright 1996 Reed Business Information, Inc. --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.
This book attracted attention because of its thesis that the "clashes of civilizations are the greatest threat to world peace." However, Huntington's work is important here for his second chapter on the nature and study of civilizations (with its excellent bibliographic sources), and his last chapter on the future of the West and other "core" civilizations.
Copyright 1999 Reed Business Information, Inc.
The Huntington argument that the West should stop intervening in civilizational conflicts it doesn't understand makes a powerful claim that internationalists cannot easily ignore. The question is whether there remain certain human interests that all civilizations had better endorse for our common survival. --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.
For those attentive to foreign affairs, durable political analyst Huntington is certain to excite debate, and not only for his concluding scenario for World War III, the post^-cold war version. That could happen if the U.S. mishandles an increasingly xenophobic and truculent China: remember, a Chinese officer during the latest Taiwan crisis reminded the U.S. that China can nuke Los Angeles. Chinese assertiveness, Huntington argues, arises out of its felt grievances against a relatively weakening West, a phenomenon of resentment and temptation existing wherever the West has contact with another civilization. After China, the gravest challenge to the West, Huntington maintains, is resurgent Islamic identity, and to those believing only violent radicals hate the West, the author asserts "fourteen hundred years of history demonstrate otherwise." So what to do? Atop Huntington's agenda is that the West should give up universalizing its values and rather ensure their survival within a stronger European-North American alliance to offset the emerging Sino-Islamic grouping. A set of sharp, controversial theses and a coherent message make this a critical current affairs book. Gilbert Taylor --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.
The thrust of Huntington's argument rejects the notion of a world inevitably succumbing to Western values. To the contrary, he argues, the West's influence in the world is waning because of growing resistance to its values and the reassertion by non-Westerners of their own cultures.
The book successfully shifts the discussion of the post-cold-war world from ideology, ethnicity, politics, and economics to culture--and especially to the religious basis of culture, a subject generally ignored in contemporary political science. Huntington is right to warn us against facile generalizations about the world becoming one; to point out the resilience of civilizations to foreign influences; and to underscore the ease with which religious values become secularized.
Though he denies it, the political implication of Huntington's thesis is isolationism: the recommendation that the West in general, and the United States in particular, refrain from conflict with other civilizations as well as involvement in their internal quarrels. His advice for the Western powers is to draw closer together, maintain their strength, and, above all, recognize "that Western intervention in the affairs of other civilizations is probably the single most dangerous source of instability and potential global conflict in a multicivilizational world." --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.
Zbigniew Brzezinski
An intellectual tour de force: bold, imaginative, and provocative. A seminal work that will revolutionize our understanding of international affairs.
Henry A. Kissinger
Sam Huntington, one of the West's most eminent political scentists, presents a challenging framework for understanding the realitites of global politics in the next century. The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order is one of the most important books to have emerged since the end of the Cold War.
Richard Bernstein
The New York Times
A benchmark for informed speculation on those always fascinating questions: Just where are we in history? What hidden hand is controlling our destiny?...A searching reflection on our global state.
Michael Elliott
The Washington Post Book World
The book is studded with insights, flashes of rare brilliance, great learning, and in particular, an ability to see the familiar in a new and provocative way.
Francis Fukyama
The Wall Street Journal
The book is dazzling in its scope and grasp of the intricacies of contemporary global politics.
Wang Gungwu
The National Interest
This is what is so stunning about The Clash of Civilizations: It is not just about the future, but may actually help to shape it.
Francis Fukyama The Wall Street Journal The book is dazzling in its scope and grasp of the intricacies of contemporary global politics.
Huntington here extends the provocative thesis he laid out in a recent (and influential) Foreign Affairs essay: we should view the world not as bipolar, or as a collection of states, but as a set of seven or eight cultural "civilizations"?one in the West, several outside it?fated to link and conflict in terms of that civilizational identity. Thus, in sweeping but dry style, he makes several vital points: modernization does not mean Westernization; economic progress has come with a revival of religion; post-Cold War politics emphasize ethnic nationalism over ideology; the lack of leading "core states" hampers the growth of Latin America and the world of Islam. Most controversial will be Huntington's tough-minded view of Islam. Not only does he point out that Muslim countries are involved in far more intergroup violence than others, he argues that the West should worry not about Islamic fundamentalism but about Islam itself, "a different civilization whose people are convinced of the superiority of their culture and are obsessed with the inferiority of their power." While Huntington notes that the war in Bosnia hardened into an ethno-religious clash, he downplays the possibility that such splintering could have been avoided. Also, his fear of multiculturalism as a source of American weakness seems unconvincing and alarmist. Huntington directs the John M. Olin Institute for Strategic Studies at Harvard.
Copyright 1996 Reed Business Information, Inc. --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.
This book attracted attention because of its thesis that the "clashes of civilizations are the greatest threat to world peace." However, Huntington's work is important here for his second chapter on the nature and study of civilizations (with its excellent bibliographic sources), and his last chapter on the future of the West and other "core" civilizations.
Copyright 1999 Reed Business Information, Inc.
The Huntington argument that the West should stop intervening in civilizational conflicts it doesn't understand makes a powerful claim that internationalists cannot easily ignore. The question is whether there remain certain human interests that all civilizations had better endorse for our common survival. --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.
For those attentive to foreign affairs, durable political analyst Huntington is certain to excite debate, and not only for his concluding scenario for World War III, the post^-cold war version. That could happen if the U.S. mishandles an increasingly xenophobic and truculent China: remember, a Chinese officer during the latest Taiwan crisis reminded the U.S. that China can nuke Los Angeles. Chinese assertiveness, Huntington argues, arises out of its felt grievances against a relatively weakening West, a phenomenon of resentment and temptation existing wherever the West has contact with another civilization. After China, the gravest challenge to the West, Huntington maintains, is resurgent Islamic identity, and to those believing only violent radicals hate the West, the author asserts "fourteen hundred years of history demonstrate otherwise." So what to do? Atop Huntington's agenda is that the West should give up universalizing its values and rather ensure their survival within a stronger European-North American alliance to offset the emerging Sino-Islamic grouping. A set of sharp, controversial theses and a coherent message make this a critical current affairs book. Gilbert Taylor --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.
The thrust of Huntington's argument rejects the notion of a world inevitably succumbing to Western values. To the contrary, he argues, the West's influence in the world is waning because of growing resistance to its values and the reassertion by non-Westerners of their own cultures.
The book successfully shifts the discussion of the post-cold-war world from ideology, ethnicity, politics, and economics to culture--and especially to the religious basis of culture, a subject generally ignored in contemporary political science. Huntington is right to warn us against facile generalizations about the world becoming one; to point out the resilience of civilizations to foreign influences; and to underscore the ease with which religious values become secularized.
Though he denies it, the political implication of Huntington's thesis is isolationism: the recommendation that the West in general, and the United States in particular, refrain from conflict with other civilizations as well as involvement in their internal quarrels. His advice for the Western powers is to draw closer together, maintain their strength, and, above all, recognize "that Western intervention in the affairs of other civilizations is probably the single most dangerous source of instability and potential global conflict in a multicivilizational world." --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.
Zbigniew Brzezinski
An intellectual tour de force: bold, imaginative, and provocative. A seminal work that will revolutionize our understanding of international affairs.
Henry A. Kissinger
Sam Huntington, one of the West's most eminent political scentists, presents a challenging framework for understanding the realitites of global politics in the next century. The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order is one of the most important books to have emerged since the end of the Cold War.
Richard Bernstein
The New York Times
A benchmark for informed speculation on those always fascinating questions: Just where are we in history? What hidden hand is controlling our destiny?...A searching reflection on our global state.
Michael Elliott
The Washington Post Book World
The book is studded with insights, flashes of rare brilliance, great learning, and in particular, an ability to see the familiar in a new and provocative way.
Francis Fukyama
The Wall Street Journal
The book is dazzling in its scope and grasp of the intricacies of contemporary global politics.
Wang Gungwu
The National Interest
This is what is so stunning about The Clash of Civilizations: It is not just about the future, but may actually help to shape it.
Francis Fukyama The Wall Street Journal The book is dazzling in its scope and grasp of the intricacies of contemporary global politics.
作者简介 · · · · · ·
塞缪尔·亨廷顿(Samuel P. Huntington),哈佛大学阿尔伯特·魏斯赫德三世(Albert J. Weatherhead III)学院教授,哈佛国际和地区问题研究所所长,约翰·奥林战略研究所主任。曾任卡特政府国家安全委员会安全计划顾问,《外交政策》杂志发起人与两主编之一,美国政治学会会长。有大量学术著作及论文问世。
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多年以前读过的《文明的冲突与世界秩序的重建》
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- 绿珀(偷得浮生半日闲) 这本书的一些细节记不清楚了。多年之前读它,仅仅因为我爱慕的那个人是学国际关系的,还是哈佛大学的博士,我希望在这个领域尽可能的多知道一些,以便交流时可以稍微多些相关话题。其实,当男人爱你的时候,是因为你有年轻的容颜,青春的活力,而不是深邃的思想,可惜那时不懂这个。现在想想,也觉得当年的自己很可笑,但也不乏令现在的...... (30回应)2006-05-19 40/43有用来自 新华出版社2003版
谨以纪念——学术的态度
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- 追风筝的人(最苦逼的事 最蛋逼的人) 三天以前,确切地说是2008年12月27日,美国著名政治学家,哈佛大学退休教授塞缪尔•亨廷顿在波士顿逝世,享年81岁。我看到这则新闻,谈不上什么特殊的感受,却想起了曾经翻看过的这本著述。 有些人是第一眼就可以给人留下深刻印象的,甚至说他的一言一行,某种言论足以影响某人的一生。但是这类思想家的价值在我眼中却并不如其...... (7回应)2008-12-31 19/19有用来自 新华出版社2003版
irreconcilable differences
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- katherine1113(追求自己想要的生活) They deny that the basic genuinely irreconcilable differences in the philosophic, political, and religious. 花了十天时间来读亨廷顿的《文明的冲突和世界秩序的重建》,很好读。不同与其他主流观点“经济基...... (5回应)2006-03-17 9/9有用来自 新华出版社2003版
亨廷顿虚拟“2010年全球战争”
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- 星流之乱(超越神的存在) 转载的 南方周末 上的 亨廷顿所虚拟的“2010年全球战争”,是他就所谓“文明冲突”问题所作的一个凝练的比方,一个概要性的思想实验。从价值取向上看,这个“虚拟战争”,一是要凸显西方文明正处于敌人远多于朋友的孤立境地,二是要强调西方文明特别是美国文明,应奉行反西方普世主义的国际政策和反多元文化主义的国内政策。从事实......2007-11-21 9/9有用来自 新华出版社2003版
最恒久的是文明而非政治,所以最基本的冲突在此
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- 梭镖党 《文明的冲突》,看完了这本著名的书。 1. 觉得我们国内一时半会不可能出这样的书,有研究,有资料,有道理,有见地。国内的制度环境暂时还产生不了这样的学者。即便充分估量国内学者的能力与智慧,但因为学者的御用性,就是研究工作为党和国家直接服务的要求,使得学者不可能深入某些方面,有的话甚至连说都不敢说...... (3回应)2008-07-08 8/8有用来自 新华出版社2003版
预测对了
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- JaneHuang 国关学界,熙熙攘攘,但是对于重大历史事件的预测,常常是无能为力的。在第一次世界大战结束之后,有位法国将领福熙说:“这不是和平,这是二十年的休战。”可谓料事如神也。后来,就成了名言。苏东解体,举世震惊,却无一人曾料到苏东也会解体,可谓毫无预兆。尼克松早期有一本书《1999:不战而胜》,虽然预测比现实晚了10年,也成了经典...... (1回应)2007-09-16 4/4有用来自 新华出版社2003版
在读
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- odds(游走西方。) 亨廷顿的文明冲突论,国内学者一直用各种方法证明他是错的,但是事实上各种文明碰撞然后产生冲突这是事实,但是他一再强调儒学的危险性显然是为了衬托当时布什的单边主义,如今奥巴马上台了,文明冲突论不会再过多的体现在美国的外交政策里,这本书典型的具有中国威胁论的意味。......2009-10-24 来自 新华出版社2003版
新颖和独特的视角来看待世界政治
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- Triton 中国为什么会崛起? 我个人认为是我们的文化和民族素质. 当最高层决定放弃政治内斗,发展国家时,蕴藏的能力就喷薄而出. 我不是很同意作者对于世界的展望,和一些现实政治的分析.但是我认为他的视角和方法是值得借鉴的. 他对于中国的把握不是很准确,但观察还是细致和全面的. 他缺乏了解中国文化的内涵和本质,这是留给我...... (1回应)2009-10-21
文明的冲突—深刻的恐惧
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- 流心(遗忘不可避免,但思念也是一样…) 书最后李慎之先生的评价可谓一针见血—“数量优势下的恐惧”,亨廷顿在书中把对美国前途的忧虑投射到了全世界,虽有很多不敢去同意的地方,不过全书的观点给了我们一个西方文明的角度来看待他们眼中世界秩序的变化,亦给人以很多启迪,值得一阅!......2009-09-25 来自 新华出版社2003版
笔记
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- 风撼斜阳 第一部分 一个多文明的世界 第一章 世界政治的新时代 多极世界 错误 一个世界:福山的“历史的终结”,民主和自由实现了大一统 剩下的都是经济与技术问题了。 然而,冷战后种族灭绝 冲突 宗教原教旨主义证明了此论点的错误。 文化和意识形态的区别 每个国家有其特殊的文化,......2009-09-10 来自 新华出版社2003版
精神胜于内容
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- 嘿咻(REVOLUTION!) 读这书还是上大一的时候,那时候感觉书中的很多观点和我的想法很像(现在已经很不像了) 不论你是否赞同作者的观点,本书都是关心世界政治的同学的必读数目之一,充满智慧的理性思辨精神是对我最大的震撼,可以说此书让我真正理解了什么叫做学术著作。 作者已经过世,但是智慧的光芒依然闪耀,娓娓道来深入......2009-08-14 来自 新华出版社2003版
"文明的碰撞和世界秩序The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World ..."论坛 · · · · · ·
| A temporary reflection on the book of “The clash ... | 来自Spencer | 3 回应 | 2009-10-04 |
| 很多人说世界不是按照书里的预测发展的 | 来自abrahamstrange | 2009-06-04 |
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这本书的其他版本 · · · · · · ( 全部6 )
- 新华出版社版 2003-01 / 1380人读过 / 有售
- Simon & Schuster版 1996-11-19 / 9人读过 / 有售
- 新华出版社版 2002年 / 11人读过
- 聯經版 1997年08月01日 / 6人读过
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- 美国政治/外交/历史 (Steven升级中)
- 文明和文化 (海上青)
- 学习阅读 (kingfish)
- 亨廷顿著作系列 (山水幽燕)
- 已購 (不喝牛奶)
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