试译|Uncertain Boundaries in Urban Space

作者：Irene Campari

译者 : siukei yu

文章出处

《具有不确定边界的地理对象》是由lan Masser和Francois Salge编辑的GISDATA系列丛书的第二本。GISDATA是欧洲科学基金会社会科学常设委员会于1993年1月启动的一个为期四年的科学项目。该系列的每一本书都是为讨论GISDATA研究议程中概述的关键问题而组织的一次专家会议的成果。本卷以1994年6月在奥地利巴登举行的专家会议为基础，会议的主题为“GIS中的概念与语言”，重点介绍GIS研究人员强制使真实世界的对象物体转向一个拥有明确界定边界的状态所进行操作、分析和显示的趋势。

本书的编者认为，当时的地理信息系统GIS主要依赖空间的具体位置、轮廓和空间的连续性来描绘对象，但这两种对象无法在当时的GIS系统中兼容（精准的位置、轮廓可以轻易被再现，但模糊的地理边界在计算机中难以被识别）。寻找新方法去明确、再现对象的复杂性是问题的核心。于是就有了这一本以不确定边界为讨论中心对象的论文集。

本文系收录于《具有不确定边界的地理对象》的第二部分的四篇论文之一，该章节主要讨论物体object（矢量的vector）模型与连续场域continuous field（栅格的raster）模型的概念定义。以及关于如何描述具有不确定边界的对象的问题。 Irene Campari在她的文章中探索了城市环境中不确定的边界 。

Geographic Objects with Indetermina

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Burrough, Burrough A.; Burrough, P. A.; Burrough, Peter A. / 1996

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原文pdf uncertain boundaries in urban space

城市空间中的不确定边界

Irene Campari

维也纳工业大学地理信息系，维也纳，奥地利

4.1 引言

这种认识与非离散空间的割裂相关。

The understanding is associated with the segmentation of non-discrete space.

——J. M. Lotman, Kul'tura I Vzryz

城市空间通常被看作一种具有确定边界对象物的总和。它由人造物组成。而这些人造物被假定为自身拥有明确的边界。然而，城市空间及其结构是由许多因素决定的，这些因素导致了人造物边界的不确定性。这些因素与许多属于不同类型人造物的边界的存在相关。在城市空间中存在着许多用于行政管理的人造物，神圣的、宗教的人造物及场所，社交social及领土territorial（公共和私人？）的实体，这些物质性的人造物实际上是被一些相关的（社会）功能所定义的。城市空间信息的再现要求为每个城市实体进行定义。这是由于空间的矢量模型*the isotropic model of space和欧几里得几何学Euclidean geometry 在GIS系统中被用于再现空间信息的缘故。城市信息的建模必须包含作为组织结构的城市空间和非匀质空间的概念。经验的视角为对象物界定过程中的不确定性提供了一个更为具体的解释，这种不确定性根植于组织结构化的空间。据此而言，城市实体的不确定边界成为建模工作中的关键问题。本文旨在引用一些来自真实城市环境中的案例来讨论那些导致城市空间人造物之边界变得不确定的主要因素。

Urban space is usually thought of as an ensemble of objects with determined bound aries. It is composed of human artifacts. Human artifacts are assumed per se to have determined boundaries. However, urban space and its structure are determined by many factors that provoke uncertainty in the definition of boundaries of artifacts.hese factors are associated with the presence of many boundaries belonging to artifacts of different types. In urban space there are administrative artifacts, sacred and religious artifacts and places, social and territorial entities, physical artifacts whose nature is determined by some associated functions. The representation of urban spatial information forces to the definition of exact boundaries for each urban entity. This is due to the use of the isotropic model of space and Euclidean geometry in representing spatial information with GIS. The modelling of urban information must include the concept of urban space as structured, anisotropic space. The experiential point of view provides a more concrete account of the uncertainty in the definition of the objects that populate the structured space. In this case the uncer tainty of boundaries of urban entities becomes a crucial issue for the modelling. This chapter discusses some of the main factors that make the boundaries of artifacts of urban space uncertain, using examples from actual urban contexts.

GIS处理城市空间信息使用的是空间等向模型和欧几里得几何学，它们都以对有着确定边界的实体的经验感知为基础。对每个城市空间实体来说，一个欧几里得几何学中的对应实体和一个匀质空间形式中的对应图元形式都是被确定了的。GIS建模技术也继承了这种来自建筑学和测绘概念中对于城市空间的思考方式，在这些观点中，场域习惯被看作一种矢量*的城市空间。这种推理方式与其说是一种看待城市空间的独特方式，不如说是一种专业的变形。

GIS manages urban spatial information using the isotropic model of space and Euclidean geometry, both of which are based on experience with solid bodies with determined boundaries. To model urban spatial information through Euclidean geometry means to interpret urban space as being populated with objects with determined boundaries. For each spatial entity of urban space a corresponding solid body in Euclidean geometry and a corresponding primitive form in isotropic space is formed. GIS modelling has inherited this way of thinking about urban space from architecture and surveying, which fields are used to seeing urban space as isotropic.This way of reasoning is rather a professional deformation than a unique way of looking at urban space.

现在有一种将人造物看作具有确定边界物体的趋势。人造物是极度par excellence离散（非连续性）的物体。城市空间由人造物构成。甚至一些城市空间中的自然元素也可能被看作人造物；甚至树木、河流也被归结纳入城市环境中。因此，这就非常显然obvious地认为城市空间由确定边界的人造物所组成。每个元素被认为在轮廓shape上、形状上from、尺度上dimension、位置上position、功能上function、颜色上colour等等，都可以独立区别于其它元素，并且表现为可定义、可识别、可描述以及确定的。尽管不确定性可能通过对元素的模糊边界、轮廓、尺度、位置、功能、结构配置configurations的观察来确定。尽管如此，城市人造物的确定性更多地来自于现象，而非证据。人造物本身不是可定义的、可识别以及可描述的，但在特定的观测环境下必须被定义、识别和描述。环境context影响了作为对象的人造物之确定性，通过将其归纳为一个轮廓，一个形式、一种功能一个位置。除去一些通常可识别的内容，它们也许对每个人来说拥有不同的对应含义（ Wittgenstein, 1961 ）。人造物的环境建立了一个完整构型，它将不确定的实体转变为确然的事物，确然的事物转换为其他确然的事物。环境的概念the notion of context导致我们看到任何城市空间边界都将其看作人造的边界而不是人造物的边界。

There is a general tendency to think of artifacts as objects with determined boundaries. Artifacts are discrete objects par excellence. Urban space is populated with artifacts. Even some natural elements of urban space might be thought of as artifacts; even trees and rivers are manipulated and adapted to urban contexts.Therefore it is quite obvious to think of urban space as populated with objects with determined boundaries. Each element is thought as distinguishable from all others in shape, form, dimension, position, function, colour, etc., and appears definable, identifiable, describable, and determinable. Although uncertainty might arise from observing elements with fuzzy boundaries, their shape, dimension, location, function and configurations appear to be determined. Notwithstanding, the determinacy of urban artifacts is mostly appearance rather than evidence. Artifacts are not defin able, identifiable, and describable per se, but must be defined, identified and described within a specific context of observation. The context affects the determi nation of artifacts as objects by attributing to them a shape, a form, a function and a location. In spite of some generally recognizable properties, these may not have the same corresponding meanings for everyone (Wittgenstein, 1961). The context for artifacts builds a whole configuration that transforms undetermined entities into determined objects, and determined objects into other determined objects. The notion of context leads us to see any boundary of urban space as an artifact bound ary rather than as a boundary of artifacts.

我们尝试着“将”城市空间作为一个现实空间去看待，并试图解释其经验的面向。这样的观察基于经验的视角，所遵循的是经验现实主义的方法，特别是 Lakoff (1987, 1988)以及 Johnson (1987) 的方法。在运算方面，关于“真实”的定义与 Rucker (1984 ）的解读最为接近，他提倡建立一个以“一切事物的存在皆为各种观察者的感知”这一概念为基础的现实模型。他将我们感知的空间称为“真实的空间space of facts”。经验论的方法已经被许多人应用在对地理学空间的理解中了，他们是 Tuan （1977), Couclelis (1988), Campari (1991)和Mark and Frank (1995) 。经验现实主义为土地测量专业提供了一个不同的视角。从现实的角度看来，城市空间呈现出由元素和实体组成的状态，这些元素和实体的边界也许只能在一种被界定好的环境之中的观察得出 （Campari 和 Frank, 1994) 。像城市空间那样的现实空间是有组织结构且非匀质的，它们是“真实的空间”。非匀质空间中边界的决定条件与元素、功能以及导致其特定形状和配置的过程相关。物体边界的确定依赖于 用来描述城市空间的变量，特别是用来描述城市空间的方法。 现实空间有很大一部分由经验组成。在描述现实空间时无法忽视城市环境是如何被居民和规划者感知的。尽管规划者的视角已经被匀质的模型以及专业观点所影响，但他们与居民共享着对城市空间的经验感知。

We are trying 'to see' urban space as a realistic space accounting for some of its experiential aspects. The observation based on the experiential point of view follows the approach introduced by experiential realism, in particular by Lakof (1987, 1988) and Johnson (1987). In mathematics the definition of 'reality' closest to the experien tial concept was expressed by Rucker (1984), who aimed to build a model of reality based on the notion that 'everything that exists is the perception of the various observers'. He called the space of our perception a 'space of facts. The experiential approach has been applied to the understanding of geographic space by Tuan (1977), Couclelis (1988), Campari (1991) and Mark and Frank (1995). Experiential realism offers a different view from that of professionals of land measurement. From a realistic approach urban space appears to be populated with elements and entities whose boundaries may be identified only in a defined context of observation (Campari and Frank, 1994). Realistic space like urban space is anisotropic and structured, it is a 'space of facts'. What determines boundaries in anisotropic space is the connection between elements, their functions, and the processes that give rise to particular shapes and particular configurations of different objects. The definition of boundaries of objects depends on the variables considered to describe urban space and, in particular, the type of approach used to describe it. Realistic space has a strong component of experientialism. In describing realistic space one cannot ignore how urban contexts are perceived by inhabitants and by planners. Planners share with residents the experiential perception of urban space, although planners are influenced by the professional view based on the isotropic model.

本文为城市空间提供了一个“元素集合与不确定边界实体”的视角。假定大多数城市空间中的边界本身是流变且不确定的，并且它们的测定依赖于对其元素与实体观察过程中的环境context。一些环境与我们讨论的观察城市空间人造物的环境不同。在4.2小节中有特别对一些主要人造行政边界进行分析，例如：地区districts，以及邮政postal、电话服务的边界。在4.3小节宗教场地及庙宇被归纳入行政及领域化的环境来进行描述。4.4小节分析了物质的城市人造物以及它们如何因为自身的功能和运转服务而被感知的。

This chapter presents a view of urban space as an ensemble of elements and entities with uncertain boundaries. It is assumed that most of the boundaries in urban space are uncertain and undetermined per se, and that their determination depends on the context in which the elements and entities are observed. Some differ ent contexts from reality are discussed which observe artifacts of urban space. In particular, in Section 4.2 some of the main artifact administrative boundaries are analyzed e.g. districts, and postal, telephone service boundaries. In Section 4.3 religi ous space and holy places are described as belonging to administrative and territo rial contexts. Section 4.4 provides an analysis of uncertain boundaries of physical urban artifacts and how they are perceived with respect to their functions and the processes they serve.

4.2 行政人造边界

在现实中，大多数城市行政边界是不可见的，且只能在地图上表现的。它们的存在依赖于官方的决策。行政边界割裂了城市空间中物理及社会组成的连续性；它们并不存在于我们“看见”的现实（在这里，英语动词短语“看见to see”是“理解to understand”的同义词；Tuan，1977）。人们利用其他手段使得行政边界变得可见，例如赋予其有型的、可理解的价值。实际上，当人们开始与地方政府进行互动，不论是在公共场所还是私人地方，它们都可以认识到边界的存在。

In reality, most urban administrative boundaries are invisible, and can only be traced on maps. Their existence depends on bureaucratic decisions. Adninistrative boundaries discretize the continuous physical and social components of urban space; they do not exist in the reality we 'see' (in this context, the English verb 'to see' is synonymous with 'to understand'; Tuan, 1977). People make administrative boundaries visible by other means, like attributing to them a tangible and under standable value. In practice, people understand the existence of administrative boundaries when they interact with the local administration either privately or publicly.

GIS领域一直以来都在出来地理空间中的行政空间碎片，大多数应用程序都是基于行政管理表征的各级细分(例如本地、地区、国家等) 。在最近的GIS领域的理论讨论中，行政等级的细分被看作地理空间中的物体而被忽视，而焦点被放在了人类对建构空间的感知体验上。在对行政边界的处理中存在一些二元的看法。一方面，人们认为行政边界是官僚空间的精确划分，并将统计数据映射到其中，在这种情况下，边界的确定性总是被抹去的。 那些数据一般来自于其他源头，并且，最多只能确定测量精度。另一方面，从地理学的角度来看，人们倾向于将这些边界消解，作为某种对领土的形式的表现，在这种情况下领土划分的边界的不确定性能够被很好的识别。在许多情况下，领土性并不是通过在土地上描出确切的边界或在地图上以等值线表示，而是通过对土地或社会群体的归属感来表示。领土意识并不总是可以在土地上量化和测量的。

The GIS field has always dealt with administrative fragmentation of geographic space, and most applications have been based on the representation of adminis trative subdivisions at all levels (i.e. local, regional, national, etc.) In the recent theo retical debate in the field of GIS, administrative subdivisions have been ignored as objects of geographic space, and the focus has been on human experience with structured space. There is some dualism in the treatment of administrative bound aries. On the one hand, one considers administrative boundaries as the exact sub division of bureaucratic space onto which to map statistical data, in which case the certainty of boundaries is always taken for granted. The data are usually taken from other sources, and, at most, one has to define the measurement accuracy. On the other hand, from the geographical point of view, one tends to liquefy those bound aries as the expression of some form of territoriality, in which case the uncertainty of boundaries of the territorial subdivision is well recognized. In many cases the terri toriality is not expressed by tracing exact boundaries on the land or as an equiva lent representation on maps, but often by a sense of belonging to a land or a social group. The sense of territoriality is not always quantifiable and measurable on the land.

从经验角度去解释行政和领土边界的困难在文献中已经有所反映。 Zubin (in Mark et al,1989;Couclelis, 1992)和 Montello (1993) 提出一种基于人类感知和感觉运动经验将空间分成四种不同类型的分类法。这种分类法没有考虑到行政空间。行政空间的边界是不可见的，它们没有建构起一个屏障或在人类感觉运动经验中构成相关的元素。在定义作为从属于人类空间经验的行政边界有一个明显的困难，但这些边界已然存在，且与日常生活环境发生了联系。可以这样说，行政边界属于Zubin分类中的空间类型A或类型D。空间类型A是一种可操作的对象，行政边界在地图上常常被再现、识别、描述为可操作的对象。然而，在共同经验中，行政边界也许与空间类型D有联系，它的整个结构与实体都超越了直接经验的范围，且不能直接进行操控。

The difficulty in accounting for administrative and territorial boundaries from an experiential point of view is evident in the literature. Zubin (in Mark et al. 1989;Couclelis, 1992) and Montello (1993) proposed a classification of four different types of space based on human perception and sensori-motor experience. This classi fication does not account for administrative spaces. The boundaries of adminis trative spaces are not visible, they do not constitute a barrier or a relevant element in human sensori-motor experience. There is an evident difficulty in defining admin istrative boundaries as belonging to human experience of space, yet these bound aries exist, and involve contexts of everyday life. It could be argued that administrative boundaries belong to the space of type A and D as described by Zubin. Space of type A is that of manipulable objects. Administrative boundaries are usually only represented, identified and described on maps as manipulable objects. However, in common experience, administrative boundaries may be associated with the space of type D, whose whole structure and entities are beyond the range of direct experience and are not directly manipulable.

4.2.1 区域边界

将城市空间细分城区域是最常见的框定行政边界的方式。区域的边界是公共和私人卓越的行政边界（即市政当局、电话公司服务等）。地域分区代表性地与大城镇的行政管理相关。

-使不可见的边界可见-

区域的边界是一种官方的将城市空间分散成功能区域单元的方式。它们中的实体和人造物通过其他可视可感的元素是可以被识别的，例如居住在区域内特定的社会群体，建筑物和街道的配置，建筑物的风格，之于更高层级的城市文脉之下该区域的主要功能，等等。一些次要方面恰巧区分了一个区域与其他区域，例如房价，它们的结构和风格、商店的质量、居民的身份地位，一个区域的官僚功能所在的建筑，等等。官僚边界的不可视性被人们转化成可见的、区别于城市空间的有形资产。被区域的居民所赋予的角色和价值的区域可能不同于那些被规划者选择作官方划分的城市空间。他们的需求是不一样的，居民和规划者赋予城市区域的功能也不同。居民比规划者更多看到的是眼前的需求；对于规划者来说，放假不是划分一个区域的标准，但对于居民来说这可能是一种识别一个城市区域的方式。例如，维也纳被分为23个区域。它们通过一些方面的描述被识别，包括，第一个区域是最富有、最老，并且中心有一个教堂的；第二个区域利奥波德城曾经是通过其犹太社区被识别的，但现在是通过普拉特公园；第三个区靠的是美泉宫、席津和高级住宅区。

Making invisible boundaries visible

The boundaries of districts are the bureaucratic means of discretizing urban space into functional areal units. Entities and artifacts within them are identifiable through other visible and perceivable elements, such as the particular social group that lives in a district, the configuration of buildings and streets, the style of build ings, the main function attributed to the district within the larger urban context, etc.Some other secondary aspects coincide to identify one district with respect to another, such as the cost of houses, their structure and style, quality of shops, status of the residents, the buildings in which the bureaucratic functions of a district are concentrated, etc. The invisibility of bureaucratic boundaries is transformed by people into tangible values that visibly differentiate urban space. The character and.value attributed to a district by the residents may differ from those selected by' planners who make the official subdivision of urban space. Their needs are different and the functions residents or planners attribute to the various areas of a city are consequently different too. Residents reason more about immediate needs than planners; for a planner the cost of houses is not a criterion for bounding a district, but for a resident this would be a way of identifying an urban area. For example, Vienna is subdivided into 23 districts (Bezirke). They are identified through some of the aspects described above, i.e. the first district is the richest, the oldest and the core of the city with the cathedral; the second district Leopoldstadt, was formerly identi fied by its Jewish community, but now by the Prater; and the thirteenth district is identified with Schönbrunn and Hietzing, high-class residential areas.

-区域中的不确定边界-

区域边界识别中的不确定性有许多诱因。从经验的角度来看，这种不确定性存在是因为它们实际上是不可见的。从现实的角度来看还有两个相关的原因导致了这种不确定性，它们是城市的形态以及区域的功能。

区域是面积单元，然而城市人造物与网络、物流、点、跨越、不规则棋盘网格和以及不同于面积单元的街块相互作用。在具有规则形态（如矩形网格）的城镇和城市中，通过由笔直街道和90度的转角定义的一组街区的界限来识别出一个区域是一件非常简单的事情。在拥有不规则形态城镇和城市中（例如大多数的欧洲城镇），街区和街道拥有不规则的形状。定义区域行政管理单元边界最简单的方法是无视城市空间的真实结构，借助基于数量标准的边界（如每个区域中的居民和房子的平均数量）。

区域的提出是被设想用来管理居民和提供服务的。然而，居民的行为是不能确定物质空间的，于是公共管理部门选择去固定空间元素，例如建筑物和街道。也许有人会说，区域范围是可以通过建筑的物理边界和街区边缘来确定的。然而，这一数据并没有在建筑物的编号体系中体现。因而，又有人会说不是建筑物在划定区域的边界，没准是街道。在维也纳的地图上，区域的边界穿越街道或将它们一分为二，非常难以定义。只有第一个区域被思考过用街道来作为界限（铃街），但在它东边的边界是多瑙河，在铃街的另一边，它的南边是被维也纳河限定住的。

边界的不确定性是很难避免的。地方管理机构被迫选择一些确定的元素去控制城市空间中移动的实体——人们本身。公共管理机构将不同类型的物理实体片段化，因为它们不能够确切识别出人们实际上居住的地方。

-The uncertain boundaries of districts-

The uncertainty in the identification of district boundaries has various causes. From the experiential point of view, one cause of this uncertainty is the fact that they are invisible. From a realistic approach the two other relevant causes of this uncertainty are the morphology of the city, and the function of the district.

Districts are areal units, whereas the urban artifacts they interact with are nets, streams, points, crosses, irregular tessellations and areal units other than the blocks.In towns and cities with a regular morphology (i.e. rectangular grids) it is easy to identify the boundaries of a district by the limits of a set of blocks defined by straight streets and 90° corners. In towns and cities with an irregular morphology (like most European towns) blocks and streets have irregular shapes. The easiest way to define the boundaries of areal administrative units is to ignore the real structure of urban space, imposing boundaries based on quantitative criteria (such as an equal number of residents and houses in each district).

The district is supposed to administer the residents and to provide services However, residents move and are not fixed spatial objects, so the public adminis tration chooses fixed spatial elements, such as buildings and streets. One might argue that the district area is identifiable with the physical boundaries of buildings at the edge of the blocks. However, this number is not reported in the numbering scheme of buildings. Therefore, one may argue that it is not the buildings that delimit the districts, but more probably the streets. On the map of Vienna, the boundaries of districts cross streets or divide them in two, not so well defined parts Only the first district is thought of as bounded by a street (the Ring), but on its eastern side the boundary is the Danube Canal, located beyond the Ring, and on the south it is bounded by the River Wien.

The uncertainty of boundaries can hardly be avoided. The local adminstration is forced to choose fixed elements to control the mobile entities in urban space-the people themselves. Public adminstration fragments physical entities of different types because it cannot identify exactly where people actually live.

4.2.2邮政服务边界

邮政服务的空间边界通常又被细分为地区单元或区，以街道和建筑物为基础，街道只是建筑的一部分，“说明”邮件将要被投递到的地点。街道是一种不确定的限定概念。街道不能识别投递者，但建筑的地址却很可能是其住址。邮政服务和行政管理机构是根据不同的需求来划分区域的。区域定义了社交单元和人群，而邮政区域则定义了栖居和建筑。人们也许会因为地址改变而收不到信件。

4.2.2 Postal service boundaries

The space of the postal service is usually subdivided into areal units or districts, based on streets and buildings where the street is only a segment of building that indicates' where the post is to be delivered. The concept of street as a limit is indeterminate. It is not the street that identifies a mail user, but the building in which the addressee is supposed to live. Postal services and administrative districts serve different needs. The district identifies social units and people, whereas the postal district identifies dwellings and buildings. A letter may not be delivered to a person because he or she has changed address.

4.2.3电话服务边界

电话服务同样把城市空间细分为了区域单位，但很明显地它是被看作一个网络。电信服务并没有显著出区域但它联结了网络中的节点，将节点聚合至区域内。区域的细分为每个点确定了不同的重要程度，而将电信服务看作一张网络的观点意味着网络中的每个点都同样重要。当用户在拨打市外电话是输入的区号时，他们才意识到边界的存在。这影响了对地点之间距离的认知，这种认知以电话费用为基础。

423. Telephone service boundaries

The telephone service also subdivides urban space into areal units, but it is obvi ously thought of as a net. The service does not delimit areas but connects points in the net, which are then aggregated within areas. While the view of the telephone service as a net implies that each point in the net has equal weight, the subdivision into areas gives each area a different weight. Users perceive the boundary of the telephone service area when they dial a prefix to reach a number outside the urban area. This influences the perception of distances between places on the basis of the cost of the call.

4.2.4大使馆边界

大使馆是城市空间中的特殊疆域，它不属于其地理位置所在国家的管理范畴内。它们的物理结构从属于城市空间，而它们的法律空间从属于拥有不同法律、规则、传统的其他国家。与大使馆发生关系的人们的行为通常是大使馆所代表这个国家特有的。当一名伊朗女子走入任何一个伊朗大使馆，她都会穿罩衫和说波斯语。

通常来说，大使馆被看作城市的飞地，不像其他的行政管理的飞地，城市飞地是不能够在地图中呈现的。行政管理的地图不会标明这个建筑是否处于其他国家的主权之下，但他们会显示出这桩建筑从属于其所在的主权国家。实际上，大使馆和领事馆的边界在地图上的表现非常困难，因为它们经常被收纳在有不同功能的建筑中。

4.24 Embassy boundaries Embassies are territories in urban space that do not come under the administration of the countries in which they are situated physically. Their physical structure belongs to the urban space, while their legal space belongs to other countries with other laws, rules and traditions. The behaviour of people who interact with embas sies is usually that of the country represented by the embassy. When an Iranian woman goes to an Iranian embassy wherever it is, she wears a chador and speaks Persian.Usually embassies are considered enclaves in urban space but, unlike other types of administrative enclaves, urban enclaves are not represented on maps. An adminis trative city map does not indicate whether a building is under the sovereignty of another country, but shows the building as belonging to a district as the host country has organized them. Actually, embassy and consulate boundaries are quite difficult to represent on maps, since they are often housed in flats in buildings with other flats with different functions

4.3宗教场所和圣殿的不确定边界

“当你下去之后！你会走很远！”

-“离哪儿很远？”

——安东尼·德·圣修伯里

许多宗教虽然它们传播的思想是普世和连续的，但它们割裂着空间。这中割裂是由它们世俗结构的等级秩序引起的。在拥有普遍信仰（如基督教或伊斯兰教）的都市和城镇中，总体的城市空间及其结构是基于其宗教信仰被组织起来的。大部分穆斯林城镇是由穆罕默德领导的使游牧民在城市区域内定居的hejira*大逃亡运动发源而来 (Fusaro, 1984; Hourani and Stern, 1970;Tiahiono, 1989) 。中世纪时期建立的欧洲城镇一般以礼拜堂或大教堂作为城市的核心。无论是在伊斯兰教城镇还是在基督教城镇中，空间的区隔是为了给那些城镇中的宗教团体拥护者开辟空间（例如北美和欧洲城镇中的犹太社区）。

在城市空间中，罗马天主教教区的边界之内存在着其他宗教信仰的团体和供其礼拜的空间以及墓地。在西方城市中，天主教、犹太教、东正教、福音派和穆斯林社区共享一个空间但以不同的方式来区分它。一个人必须通过分析环境来辨别一个宗教实体的边界，无论其建构依据是宗教性的还是管理性的。最高级别的环境是世俗的/宗教的行政管理空间细分，以及神圣场所的界限。这两种环境在每个宗教中都进行了更细致的划分。

4.3 Uncertain boundaries of religious space and holy places

“Then you go down there! You will be far!"

"Far from where?”

Antoine de Saint-Exupéry

Many religions discretize space, although the ideas they express are universal and continuous. This discretization follows the hierarchical organization of their secular structure. In cities and towns in regions with a prevalent religion (i.e. Catholicism or Islam) the whole urban space and its structure are organized on a religious basis.Most Islamic towns developed from the Hejira, dictated by Mohammed, to settle the nomad population in urban areas (Fusaro, 1984; Hourani and Stern, 1970;Tjahjono, 1989). The European towns founded in the Middle Ages had a church or cathedral as the core. In Islamic, as well as in Christian towns, the discretization of space serves to distinguish the areas for adherents of the religious groups present in these towns (e.g. Jewish communities in North African and European towns).

In urban space, within the boundaries of the Catholic parishes there are groups belonging to other religions, their places of worship and their cemeteries. In Western cities Catholic, Jewish, Orthodox, Evangelical and Muslim communities share the same space but discretize it in different ways. One has to identify boundaries for sacred or administrative religious entities by choosing a context in which to select them. The highest level contexts are the secular/religious administrative subdivision of space, and the territoriality of sacred places. These two contexts are now specified further in the context of each religion.

4.3.1 世俗/宗教的行政管理对空间的割裂

许多宗教都有根据牧师的等级进行空间单元细分的传统，特别是在罗马天主教国家。城市空间被细分为教区，作为天主教派最小等级的世俗管理单位。城市空间的管理细分是拥护者信息统计的基础。在某些情况下这些数据会被城市管理机构用来统计官方人口数据。比如在葡萄牙其中一个主要行政管理的地域细分就是基于“堂区”freguesias（天主教区）。在许多国家，教区只会出现在收录人口的数据中。这保证了收集数据的准确度。一般反映在GIS行政空间的表达中，尽管数据分区的原初依据以及在数据管理技术中遗失了（ Campari, 1990, 1991; Campari and Frank, 1995)。

维也纳为教区强势的管理角色提供了很好的例子。全体市民，必须向当地政府声明自己的信仰，并且天主教徒必须强制给教区缴税。

43.1 The secular/religious administrative discretization of space

Many religions have traditionally subdivided space into units following the clerica hierarchy, particularly in Catholic countries. Urban space is subdivided into parishes, the smallest secular administration of the Catholic church. The adminis trative subdivision of urban space is used as the basis for statistical information about adherents. In some cases these data are used by the civil administration to map official population data. In Portugal, for example, one of the main adminis trative subdivisions of the Portuguese territory is based on the Freguesias (Catholic parishes). In many countries the parishes were the only places in which data about population was collected. They guaranteed the accuracy of the information col lected. This is often reflected in the representation of administrative space with GIS, although the original basis for such a discretization is lost in the technological man agement of data (Campari, 1990, 1991; Campari and Frank, 1995).

Vienna provides an example of the strong administrative character of the parishes. All residents of the city, must declare their religion to the local authorities, and Catholics are obliged to pay a tax to the parishes.

4.3.2 宗教场所的疆界

城市空间的宗教性细分总是体现出一种强烈的疆域感。在大城镇中这种划分大多数基于庙宇、教堂、墓地的位置：

“教堂建筑……不仅仅是坐落在空间中的简单事物。它们是被边界区分开的，在这个边界内权力是被彰显的且来访是被控制的。换句话说它们就是疆域。” (Sack, 1986, p.93)

城市空间中的宗教组织是通过场所识别来定义空间的关键因素。然而，在“纪念碑”（被视为“历史的”纪念碑）与庙宇、教堂之中存在着一种差别，后者是用于进行宗教崇拜的。宗教建筑存在边界，它们只将自身限定在它们服务的宗教语境之内。一个犹太教堂也许坐落在罗马天主教的社会环境中，反之亦然。维也纳的犹太教寺庙距离最老的天主教堂仅50米，同时 与希腊主要的东正教堂位于同一地区。 这个寺庙和最老的罗马天主教堂位于同一个教区。22区的福音派教堂是住宅建筑中的一层楼，这栋住宅建筑所处的维也纳教区被天主教徒认为是出走他们自己教区的管辖之下。

墓地在西方社会通常是由公共管理机构来管理的一种宗教场所。它们可能是具有确定边界的对象。在许多英国城镇，它们作为开放空间或被用来作为公共花园是非常容易被辨别的（除了可能位于汉普斯特德、伦敦的犹太墓地是被墙围起来的）。在拿破仑统治的欧洲，很多墓地被挪到了城镇的边界之外的地方，但当城镇扩张越过了它们原来的边界时，墓地又重新被城市囊括了。在大多数欧洲城镇中，这些墓地都被城市边界所包含了，它们与居住区之间会竖起一道墙将二者隔开。并且，物理性的或符号性的区隔物（墙、栅栏、街道等等）的其他形式在不同的宗教区域之间会被建立起来。比如在维也纳，中央公墓有一部分被用作犹太教墓园（从1800到1938；一门和四门）。从地图上看这个划分非常锐利，但在现实中仅有一条窄街将老希伯来墓园和天主教墓园区分开来。

确定历史中的墓园边界是更为困难的事情。例如，维也纳的老犹太墓地是位于Seeasse（维也纳第九区）。在维也纳地图上它看起来想建筑物的中庭，然而在维也纳的犹太地图中这个庭院被标识为一个墓园（ Heinmann-Jelinek and Kohlbauer-Fritz, 1993 ）。该建筑的居民也许将它看作他们的花园，但同时它也被维也纳的犹太社群看作他们宗教疆域的一部分。

43.2 The territoriality of sacred places

The sacred subdivision of urban space expresses a strong sense of territoriality. In large towns this subdivision is mostly based on the location of temples, churches and cemeteries:

Church buildings ... are not simply things located in space. They are places set apart by boundaries and within which authority is exerted and access is controlled. In other words they are territories. (Sack, 1986, p.93)

The urban spatial religious organization is a crucial element in defining space through the identification of places. However, there is a distinction between 'monu ments', considered as 'historical' monuments, and temples and churches, which are used for worship. Sacred buildings have boundaries, but they determine only them selves within the context of the religion they serve. A synagogue may be located within a social context that is Catholic, or vice versa. The Jewish temple of Vienna is 50 metres away from the oldest Catholic church and is located in the same sector of the district as the main Greek Orthodox church. The temple and the oldest Catholic church are located in the same parish. The Evangelical church of the 22nd district is only a flat in a residential building in an area of the Viennese suburbs that the Catholics consider under the administration of their own parish.

Cemeteries are sacred places that are usually managed by the public adminis.tration in Western societies. The may appear to be objects with determined bound aries. In most British towns they are easily recognizable as open places and are used as public gardens (except perhaps for the Jewish cemetery in Hampstead, London.which is surrounded by a wall). In Europe under Napoleon many cemeteries were moved beyond the border of the towns, but as the towns expanded over their ancient border the cemeteries were again included in the urban fringe. In mos European towns these cemeteries are now within the urban borders, usually separat ed by a wall from residential areas beyond. Inside, other forms of physical or sym bolic separation (walls, fences, streets, etc.) were erected between areas of different religions. In Vienna, for example, the Zentralfriedhof is partly dedicated to the Jewish cemetery (from 1800 to 1938; doors I and IV). On the map this seems a sharp separation, but in reality, only a narrow street separates the old Israelite emetery from the Catholic one.

To determine the boundaries of historical cemeteries is even more difficult. For example, the oldest Jewish cemetery in Vienna, is located in Seegasse (Alsergrund.ninth district). On the map of Vienna it is shown as the courtyard of the building whereas on the map of Jewish places in Vienna the courtyard is indicated as a cemetery (Heinmann-Jelinek and Kohlbauer-Fritz, 1993). While the residents of the building may regard it as their garden, the Jewish community of Vienna regard it as belonging to their sacred territory

4.4城市物质性人造物之边界

我最喜爱的事情应该是我身处异国的期盼。我也许会静静地拔着草，想要搞清楚风在什么地方降临，在地图上寻找港口、码头和道路，以及每一件在冒险中可能遇到的可怕或不幸的事物，它们毫无疑问地会令我感到悲伤。

—— 莎士比亚，《威尼斯商人》

物质性人造物总被理解为分散且独立的对象：它们可见、被假定拥有确然的轮廓，这种轮廓让我们意识到对象的本质。然而，他们所阐述的信息，或说当我们看到它们时所读解到的信息，其实是连续的。带着边界的观念去看人造物，导致了只考虑到其实用性的结果。但若说它们表达的是不囿于那些它们被短短的形式之中的话，那我们又该如何去读解它呢？为什么它们会被看作具有确定边界的对象物呢？我们又为什么要对这些边界的确定性提出质疑呢？我们似乎经常混淆锐利的边界和“类型匹配”的轮廓，后者已经被特殊经验框架所吸收。回到现实城市空间，人造物边界的确定越来越比匀质空间中的简单物件要复杂。这种情况足以将功能作为一种定义对象的元素去看待，当人造物通过确定的边界、形式和形状的预判等视角来定义对象的的方式变得日益困难之后。当环境中的功能被发现发生了改变时，对象识别也改变了，它们就变成了另一个东西。

举例说明，城市基础的空间定义如路网、径流系统是需要通过物理边界的识别来界定的。路网和径流也许有相同的形状、轮廓，共享同一个空间且可能被同一个物质性构件所限定，但它们没有共同的基础。它们提供不同的服务，也不同的程序。它们作为不同“事物”的识别是通过对界定它们的物理成都构件的不同识别来实现的。例如，一个室外楼梯也许是街道边界的一部分，如果说观察的环境是在路网中；或它可以是径流系统边界的一部分，如果说观察环境是排水系统的话。每个定义都是基于特定时间、特定语境下对对象功能的识别。因此，对象物有可能会根据其不同的功能和运作方式被进行不同的定义。环境通常在识别和定义对象物时起关键作用。关于路网、径流系统到目前位置的讨论都是一种专业性评估。市民通过每天的行走其中来直接体验街道的功能。街道是社交和个体生活的一个元素，而径流则仅仅是城市空间基础设施的一个元素而已。

将城市空间视为有人造对象物组合二次的观点与GIS中“对象物”的概念非常契合。从专业角度来看城市人造物是属于建筑师和规划是的，它是被欧几里得几何学和匀质空间模型过滤过的。建筑及其他城市构建被看作可操控的对象物，且它们常常在参与构筑真实城市空间之前就被设计和被描摹在地图上了。建筑师和规划师利用匀质空间模型来表示城市人造物，GIS也一样。城市人造物在GIS中必须是可确切度量的；它们之间必须要有一个精准的距离；必须拥有一个去和其被预设的特殊功能的形式和轮廓。这样的事实限制了建筑师和规划师将城市看作复杂结构来读解的自由。一些不受形式、轮廓、位置、功能之间关系约束，只处理有确然边界以及匀质空间的画家，它们将对象物转换为一个有辨识度的事物，把匀质空间转换为非匀质的结构化空间。

44 Boundaries of urban physical artifacts

The better part of my affections, wouldBe with my hopes abroad. I should be stilPlucking the grass to know where sits the wind,Peering in maps for ports, and piers, and roads;And every object that might make me fearMisfortune to my ventures, out of doubtWould make me sad.

Shakespeare, The Merchant of Venice, 1.1

Physical artifacts are always understood as discrete objects: they are visible, and their supposed determined shape makes us aware of the nature objects. However, the ideas they express, or what we perceive when we look at them, are continuous.Trying to see in artifacts a bounded idea leads to account only for their usefulness.But how can we see and understand them if the ideas they express are not confined within their supposed determined form? Why are they considered to be objects with determined boundaries? And why should we question the certainty of these bound aries? We often seem to confuse sharp boundaries with a shape that 'matches a type' that is accepted within a specific experiential framework (Gould, 1991). Turning to the realistic urban space, the determination of boundaries of artifacts becomes more complex than the simple objects of isotropic space. It is enough to consider the function as an element of definition of objects that artifacts become difficult to define as objects with determined boundaries, predefined shape and form. When the context in which the function is observed changes, the identification of the objects changes as well, and they turn out to be other obiects.

For instance, the spatial definition of urban infrastructures like street networks and runoff systems require the definition of physical boundaries that delimit them (see Figure 4.1). The street network and the runoff system may have the same shape, the same form, share the same space, and may be bounded by the same physical components, but they do not have the same infrastructure. They serve different func.tions and different processes. Their identification as different "things' occurs through different identifications of the physical components that delimit them. For instance, an outdoor staircase can be a part of the boundary of the street if the context of observation is that of the street network, or can be a part of the boundary of the runoff system if the context of observation is water drainage. Each definition is based on the identification of the function of the object at any given time and in a specific context. Therefore, objects may be identified differently according to their unction or the process they serve. The context is always crucial in determining and dentifying objects. The discussion so far of the street network and the runoff system is a professional appraisal. The residents experience directly everyday the function of the street, by walking in it. The street is an element of social and individual life, while the runoff system is only an element in the infrastructure of urban space.

Thinking of urban space being populated with artifact objects fits very well with the concept of objects in GIS. The professional view of urban artifacts is that of architects and planners, which is filtered by Euclidean geometry and the isotropic model of space. Buildings and other urban components are treated as manipulable objects, and are usually designed and traced on map before they come to populate actual urban space. Architects and planners use the isotropic model of space to represent urban artifacts on maps as well as in a GIS. Urban artifacts in a GIS must be exactly measurable, they must be at a precise distance, they must have a form and a shape that fit with a supposed unique function. This fact limits the freedom of architects and planners in seeing and interpreting urban space with a complex structure. Some painters who played with objects with determined boundaries and isotropic space, but who were not bounded by the relation form-shape-position function, transformed objects into things with an identity, and isotropic space into anisotropic and structured space.

4.4.1街道与街区

街道和街区是城镇结构的组成单元。它们定义和标识了基础设施的空间延展和事件进程的空间维度（它们都存在于城市空间中）。街道网络的几何学是以节点与边界为基础的。在拓扑学角度上看它们是连续的图像。内部街道的网络组成一般根据其功能来决定，街道有可能只拥有地方性或区域性的功能。

街道联通的结构配置起源于乡村。比如，在临近运河的村庄中，内部主街是直接与通向河渡口的外街相连的。这样的布局便于将货物从渡口运往村子。小城镇提供了经由地方功能的街道网络的例子。小镇在山顶上围绕城堡或教堂形成环形组织。联结外部网络的街道是循环的，而次级街道则是放射状的。

城镇大门

镇门限制了城镇的进出，它们一般作为关税检查站和城墙的一部分来提供服务。它们一般是位于城镇边界建筑物连续结构的组成部分（如它们之间的拱门）。在大城镇中，它们连续非局部的内部街道与局部街道（如意大利比萨的卢卡城）。大门同时是城镇与外部空间连续性关系与区分的标志。

开放空间与城镇广场

地方的街道网络包括了开放空间，特别是城镇广场。开放空间一般是以建筑物为界的，这些建筑物一般对社交生活有特殊的重要性的，比如说市政当局的建筑或是教堂，或是像城市喷泉那样的城市装置。在较小的城镇中，广场一般只是区域内部路网的一个组成部分，并不直接与整个地区的路网相连。它只服务于区域性的需求，例如为去往教堂或水源提供通道。

在南欧的小镇中，广场有时会成为其周边建筑结构连续性的表达。外部空间（广场）与内部空间（建筑室内）之间的区别是不可见的。生活在小镇中的人们趋向于将外部空间看作从属于他们家中的室内空间的空间。

水文径流系统

水文径流系统的组织和结构是根据地形建立的。径流系统一般与街道共享同样的城市空间。街道有可能已经被设计成能够将水流带离城镇排入河流或湖中，但有时径流系统是一个独立的结构，在建筑的下方组织，不会被地图表现出来。径流系统是线性的。它有可能与建筑结构连接的同时被建筑结构包含在内。

4.4.1 Streets and blocks

Streets and blocks are components of the configuration of towns. They define and identify the spatial extension of infrastructures and the spatial dimension of pro cesses that occur in urban space. The geometry of the street network is based on nodes and edges. It is topologically a connected graph. The components of the nside street network are usually defined according to their functions; streets may have a local function only or a regional function.The configuration of street connections derives from the origin of the town. In towns built in a valley close to a navigable river, for example, the internal main streets are directly connected with the outside streets leading to the river to facilitate the transportation of goods from the river harbour to the stores in the town. An example of street network with only a local function is provided by small towns with circular shape developed on the top of hills around a castle or church. The streets connected with the outside network are circular, while the secondary streets are radial.

Town gates

Town gates limited access to the town, served as fiscal check points and were part of the town walls. They often formed part of the continuous structure of buildings (ie.as archways between them) at the edges of towns. In large towns they connect the non-local inside street network and the regional one (e.g. Lucca, Pisa). Gates are symbols of both the continuous relationship of the town with the space outside, and of separateness from the outside.

4.4.2 街区

街区是被街道网络限定的一系列建筑物。街道片段的边界是街区的边界，反之亦然。比如，在有放射形次级街道的半圆形城镇中，两条主路和两条次路之间的一系列建筑物就称为一个街区。在有高密度形态的城镇（一个建筑占据了整个地块，周边没有任何开放空间）中，一个街区就像一个连续的结构。在拥有多层级街道网络的城镇中，一个街区位于一层，通过位于上下两层的街道与邻近街区隔离。

4.4.2 Blocks

A block is a set of buildings limited by the street network. The boundaries of seg ments of streets are the boundaries of blocks and vice versa. For instance, in semi circular towns with radial secondary streets, a block is a set of buildings between two main streets and two radial secondary connections. In towns with compact morphology (a building occupies an entire parcel, with no open space around it) a block is like a continuous construction. In towns with a multi-level street network on a slope a block is located at one level and is isolated from neighbouring blocks by streets located at the upper and lower levels.

4.4.3建筑物

建筑物的结构是牵涉到空间的识别和界定的。因此，分析那些表示空间如何被区分和联结（彼、此；室内、外；楼上、楼下）的边界是十分重要的。边界、入口、过渡空间这些概念在审视空间或领域彼此之间是如何联系或划分的时候是非常有用的。（Lawrence，1989）

Lawrence将边界的概念看作建筑层面下的一种空间划分。他将建筑作为一种客体，它可以在其功能和用途的基础上被分解为其他客体，但建筑物已经是本文所考虑的的城镇构型的最小单元了。

建筑物的主立面是街道的一个段落，同时也是街区的一个组成元素。它周围可能会被开放空间所包围，这种情况不会发生在拥挤的小镇。建筑的几何形式通常是一个面域，常常表现为四角或多角的多边形（至少在已考虑到的城镇分类中是这样的），并以直角为特点。相邻建筑之间的关系是受建筑内部的栖居结构影响的。一个人的栖居行为可能在物质层面上属于不同的建筑物，使用不同建筑物中的房间，甚至使用处于不同街区的房间。这种复杂的结构不是从建筑外部观察所得；两个建筑之间也许会有一条边界线将它们外部的正立面分开，但它们也有可能会在建筑内部共享栖居行为和空间。

44.3 Buildings

The construction of a building involves the definition and delimitation of space. There fore it is important to analyze boundaries that indicate how spaces - here and there, inside and outside, upstairs and downstairs - are separated and linked. The concepts ol boundary, threshold, and transition are useful in examining how different spaces or domains are associated with or demarcated from each other. (Lawrence. 1989)

Lawrence introduces the concept of a boundary as a separation between spaces at the building level. He considers a building as an object that may be decomposed into other objects on the basis of their function and use, but the building is the smallest unit of the town configuration considered in this chapter.The front of a building is a segment of the street and an element of the block. 1t may have open space around it, but not in compact towns. The geometry of the building is areal, usually a polygon with four or more corners (at least in the class of towns under consideration), typically with right angles. The relations between neigh.bouring buildings are affected by the internal structure of the dwellings. A dwelling may belong physically to different buildings, having rooms in different buildings, or it may have rooms in different blocks. This complex structure is not observable from the exterior; two buildings may have a boundary line that divides their exterior ronts, but they may share dwellings and rooms in the interior.

4.4.4作为建筑物入口的街道与径流系统

在图4.1（里约，厄尔巴岛）中两个建筑的室外楼梯也许在功能层面上被识别为：街道边界的一部分，径流系统边界的一部分，建筑物的入口，栖居行为的起点，或是建筑物的一个组成部分。建筑物的外部空间也许是基础设施的一个功能组成，或是其空间延伸的一个边界。两个建筑之间的拱门或许可以看作：径流系统结构的边界，街道结构的边界，建筑物的基底，栖居行为的基础。

4.4.4 The street as access to buildings and the water runoff system

In Figure 4.1 (a view of Rio nell'Elba) the outdoor staircases of the two buildings may be functionally identified as: part of the boundaries of the street, part of the boundaries of the water runof, access to the building, access to a dwelling, or a constituent part of the building. The exterior of the building may be a functional component of the infrastructure or a boundary of its spatial extension. The archway between the two buildings may be seen as: a boundary of the runoff system struc ture, a boundary of the street structure, the floor of the building, the fioor of a dwelling .

4.4.5组件的定义与识别

基础设施的空间识别不但需要物质性边界的确定，还需要对组成部分（组件）的功能进行定义。物质边界的定义过程需要能够界定这些组件的标志。因此，这些组件可能被不同的方式界定，根据它们的功能或它们提供服务的过程。例如，径流系统和街道网络的空间边界有可能被看作是一样的，根据对这些被选择用来界定这些组件之功能的考虑（图4.1）。如果一个组件的识别物存在功能上的转变，那组件的性质可能也会随之改变，并且连同描述整个结构的关系也会改变。

44.5 Definition and identification of components

The spatial identification of infrastructures requires the definition of physical oundaries as well as the identification of the function of the components. The defi nition of the physical boundaries of processes requires the identification of the com ponents that delimit them. Therefore, components may be identified differently according to their functions or the process they serve. For instance, the spatial boundaries of the water runoff system and street network may be observed as being the same with regard to the function of the components chosen to delimit them (Figure 4.1). If the identification of a component changes with respect to an attrib uted function, the properties of the component may also change, together with the relations that describe the whole structure.

4.4.6组件的定义与识别之间的区别

城镇的官僚体制下的行政管理划分与经验层面的、社会性的划分之间存在着本质的区别。比如说，基于行政管理的街区区划并没有时时与社会活动的区划相契合。从经验的角度上看，城市空间是被分割成了一系列相邻的建筑物，且这些建筑物也许在物质层面上并不处于同一个大楼（block）（hillier and hanson）。这种情况导致了在城镇中的场地和场所需要通过名字来被识别。从属于不同楼群（blocks）的建筑物也许处于相同的邻里序列中，也许因为同一个参考名(reference)而被识别。在图4.1中，两个建筑分别属于不同的楼群。分割它们的街道被拱门覆盖，然而，从城市空间的社会性识别角度来看，两座建筑物是属于同一个邻近建筑群。

4.4.6 Differences in definition and identification of components There are substantial differences between the bureaucratic and administrative sub division of towns and the experiential and social subdivision. For instance, the administrative subdivision into blocks does not usually correspond to the social subdivision. From the experiential point of view, urban space is subdivided into a set of neighbouring buildings that may not correspond to a physical block (Hillier and Hanson, 1988). This situation has consequences for the identification by names of sites and places within the towns. Buildings belonging to different blocks may be in the same set of neighbours and may be identified by the same reference name. In Figure 4.1 the two buildings belong to different blocks. The street that divides them is covered by the archway, although the two buildings belong to the same set of neighbouring buildings in the social identification of urban places.

4.5 结论

本文已经强调了一些关于城市空间中边界不确定性的问题，特别是行政边界和城市人造边界。在此对问题的讨论的范围远非详尽无遗 ，但不确定性的因素已经被引入到这个通常被认为不受不确定因素影响的事情中来。城市空间及其组成通常被认为是一个具有确然边界的人造物。为了确定人造物的边界以及识别城市空间中的物体，对观察之环境context的阐明是必要的。观察的环境多种多样，且它们都可能导致对城市人造物的不同定义和识别。

为了定义被无形边界（如行政边界）所约束的概念空间领域，从经验的角度进一步的调查是必要的。对不确定边界对象的建模可能得益于现实的方法，因为直观的变量能够引入这些对象空间的建构。

本文提出的方法为地理对象的概念和形式建模中不一致的观点开辟了一条研究路线，这些观点不同于专业规划人员通常考虑的观点。这种新视角可能对我们理解城市空间的复杂结构以及这些结构是如何被不同文化背景的人们所读解都有帮助。

This chapter has highlighted some of the issues associated with the uncertainty of boundaries in urban space, in particular, administrative boundaries and boundaries of urban artifacts. The range of issues discussed here is far from exhaustive, but an element of uncertainty has been introduced in a matter that is not usually regarded as being affected by uncertainty. Urban space and its components are usually regarded as artifacts with determined boundaries. To determine the boundaries of artifacts and to identify objects in urban space it is necessary to specify the context of observation. The contexts of observation are many, and all of them may lead to a different definition and identification of urban artifacts.From an experiential approach further investigations are needed to define a con 'ceptual spatial domain for objects bounded by invisible boundaries, such as admin istrative ones. The modelling of objects with undetermined boundaries may benefit from a realistic approach because substantial variables can be introduced to build a structured space for those objects.The approaches presented in this chapter open a line of research for incorpor ating views in the conceptual and formal modelling of geographic objects that are different from those usually considered by professional planners. These alternative views may be valuable in helping our understanding of the complex structures of urban spaces, and how these structures are understood by people from different cultural backgrounds.

注释

*空间等向模型：矢量模型

*各向同性:匀质的

*context：语境；环境，本文一律译为“环境”。

*hejira：1. An Arabic word meaning emigration or flight, used to refer to any flight from danger but especially the flight ofMuhammad from Mecca to Medina in 622.2. Muhammad’s escape from Mecca to Medina in AD 622. 本文采用第一个翻译

*freguesias：堂区； 堂区为葡萄牙的第3级行政区划，位于郡或市镇之下。堂区名称一般与其行政中心名称一致。堂区行政权由堂区委员会行使。巴塞卢什是下辖堂区最多的市镇，达89个。至2011年止，葡萄牙全国有4,259个堂区。