FOR YOLANDA
Time 35 minutes 26 Questions
Directions: Each passage in this section is followed by a group of questions to be answered on the basis of what is stated or implied in the passage. For some of the questions, more than one of the choices could conceivably answer the question. However, you are to choose the best answer, that is, the response that most accurately and completely answers the question, and blacken the corresponding space on your answer sheet.
Immigrants’ adoption of English as their primary language is one measure of assimilation into the larger United States society. Generally languages define social groups and provide justification for social structures. Hence, a distinctive language sets a cultural group off from the dominant language group. Throughout United States history this pattern has resulted in one consistent, unhappy consequence, discrimination against members of the cultural minority. Language differences provide both a way to rationalize subordination and a ready means for achieving it.
Traditionally, English has replaced the native language of immigrant groups by the second or third generation. Some characteristics of today’s Spanish-speaking population, however, suggest the possibility of a departure from this historical pattern. Many families retain ties in Latin America and move back and forth between their present and former communities. This “revolving door” phenomenon, along with the high probability of additional immigrants from the south, means that large Spanish-speaking communities are likely to exist in the United States for the indefinite future.
This expectation underlies the call for national support for bilingual education in Spanish-speaking communities’ public schools. Bilingual education can serve different purposes, however. In the 1960s, such programs were established to facilitate the learning of English so as to avoid disadvantaging children in their other subjects because of their limited English. More recently, many advocates have viewed bilingual education as a means to maintain children’s native languages and cultures. The issue is important for people with different political agendas, from absorption at one pole to separatism at the other.
To date, the evaluations of bilingual education’s impact on learning have been inconclusive. The issue of bilingual education has, nevertheless, served to unite the leadership of the nation’s Hispanic communities. Grounded in concerns about status that are directly traceable to the United States history of discrimination against Hispanics, the demand for maintenance of the Spanish language in the schools is an assertion of the worth of a people and their culture. If the United States is truly a multicultural nation—that is, if it is one culture reflecting the contributions of many—this demand should be seen as a demand not for separation but for inclusion.
More direct efforts to force inclusion can be misguided. For example, movements to declare English the official language do not truly advance the cohesion of a multicultural nation. They alienate the twenty million people who do not speak English as their mother tongue. They are unnecessary since the public’s business is already conducted largely in English. Further, given the present state of understanding about the effects of bilingual education on learning, it would be unwise to require the universal use of English. Finally, it is for parents and local communities to choose the path they will follow, including how much of their culture they want to maintain for their children.
1. It can be inferred from the passage that one of the characteristics of immigrant groups to the United States has traditionally been that, after immigration, relatively few members of the group
(A) became politically active in their new communities
(B) moved back and forth repeatedly between the United States and their former communities
(C) used their native languages in their new communities
(D) suffered discrimination in their new communities at the hands of the cultural majority
(E) sought assimilation into the dominant culture of the new communities they were entering
2. The passage suggests that one of the effects of the debate over bilingual education is that it has
(A) given the Hispanic community a new-found pride in its culture
(B) hampered the education of Spanish-speaking students
(C) demonstrated the negative impact on imposing English as the official United States language
(D) provided a common banner under which the Spanish-speaking communities could rally
(E) polarized the opinions of local Spanish-speaking community leaders
3. In lines 38-39, the phrase “different political agendas” refers specifically to conflicting opinions regarding the
(A) means of legislating the assimilation of minorities into United States society
(B) methods of inducing Hispanics to adopt English as their primary language
(C) means of achieving nondiscriminatory education for Hispanics
(D) official given responsibility for decisions regarding bilingual education
(E) extent to which Hispanics should blend into the larger United States society
4. In lines 64-65 the author says that “It would be unwise to require the universal use of English.” One reason for this, according to the author, is that
(A) it is not clear yet whether requiring the universal use of English would promote or hinder the education of children whose English is limited
(B) the nation’s Hispanic leaders have shown that bilingual education is most effective when it includes the maintenance of the Spanish language in the schools
(C) requiring the universal use of English would reduce the cohesion of the nation’s Hispanic communities and leadership
(D) the question of language in the schools should be answered by those who evaluate bilingual education, not by people with specific political agendas
(E) it has been shown that bilingual education is necessary to avoid disadvantaging in their general learning children whose English is limited
5. In the last paragraph, the author of the passage is primarily concerned with discussing
(A) reasons against enacting a measure that would mandate the forced inclusion of immigrant groups within the dominant United culture
(B) the virtues and limitations of declaring English the official language of the United States
(C) the history of attitudes within the Hispanic community toward bilingual education in the United States
(D) the importance for immigrant groups of maintaining large segments of their culture to pass on to their children
(E) the difference in cultures between Hispanics and other immigrant groups in the United States
The refusal of some countries to extradite persons accused or convicted of terrorist act has focused attention on the problems caused by the political offense exception to extradition. Extradition is the process by which one country returns an accused or convicted person found within its borders to another country for trial or punishment. Under the political offense exception, the requested state may, if it considers the crime to be a “political offense,” deny extradition to the requesting state.
Protection of political offenses is a recent addition to the ancient practice of extradition. It is the result of two fundamental changes that occurred as European monarchies were replaced by representative governments. First, these governments began to reject what had been a primary intent of extradition, to expedite the return of political offenders, and instead sought to protect dissidents fleeing despotic regimes. Second, countries began to contend that they had no legal or moral duty to extradite offenders without specific agreements creating such obligations. As extradition laws subsequently developed through international treaties, the political offense exception gradually became an accepted principle among Western nations.
There is no international consensus, however, as to what constitutes a political offense. For analytical purposes illegal political conduct has traditionally been divided into two categories. “Pure” political offenses are acts perpetrated directly against the government, such as treason and espionage. These crimes are generally recognized as nonextraditable, even if not expressly excluded from extradition by the applicable treaty. In contrast, common crimes, such as murder, assault, and robbery, are generally extraditable. However, there are some common crimes that are so inseparable from a political act that the entire offense is regarded as political. These crimes, which are called “relative” political offenses, are generally nonextraditable. Despite the widespread acceptance of these analytic constructs, the distinctions are more academic than meaningful. When it comes to real cases, there is no agreement about what transforms a common crime into a political offense and about whether terrorist acts fall within the protection of the exception. Most terrorists claim that their acts do fall under this protection.
Nations of the world must now balance the competing needs of political freedom and international public order. It is time to reexamine the political offense exception, as international terrorism eradicates the critical distinctions between political offenses and nonpolitical crimes. The only rational and attainable objective of the exception is to protect the requested person against unfair treatment by the requesting country. The international community needs to find an alternative to the political offense exception that would protect the rights of requested persons and yet not offer terrorists immunity from criminal liability.
6. In the passage, the author primarily seeks to
(A) define a set of terms
(B) outline a new approach
(C) describe a current problem
(D) expose an illegal practice
(E) present historical information
7. According to the passage, when did countries begin to except political offenders from extradition?
(A) when the principle of extraditing accused or convicted persons originated
(B) when some nations began refusing to extradite persons accused or convicted of terrorist acts
(C) when representative governments began to replace European monarchies
(D) when countries began to refuse to extradite persons accused or convicted of common crimes
(E) when governments began to use extradition to expedite the return of political offenders
8. Given the discussion in the passage, which one of the following distinctions does the author consider particularly problematic?
(A) between common crimes and “relative” political offense
(B) between “pure” political offenses and common crimes
(C) between “pure” political offenses and “relative” political offenses
(D) between terrorist acts and acts of espionage
(E) between the political offense exception and other exceptions to extradition
9. According to the author, the primary purpose of the political offense exception should be to
(A) ensure that terrorists are tried for their acts
(B) ensure that individuals accused of political crimes are not treated unfairly
(C) distinguish between political and nonpolitical offenses
(D) limit extradition to those accused of “pure” political offenses
(E) limit extradition to those accused of “relative” political offenses
10. It can be inferred from the passage that the author would agree with which one of the following statements about the political offense exception?
(A) The exception is very unpopular.
(B) The exception is probably illegal.
(C) The exception is used too little.
(D) The exception needs rethinking.
(E) The exception is too limited.
11. When referring to a balance between “the competing needs of political freedom and international public order” (lines 54-55) the author means that nations must strike a balance between
(A) allowing persons to protest political injustice and preventing them from committing political offenses
(B) protecting the rights of persons requested for extradition and holding terrorists criminally liable
(C) maintaining the political offense exception to extradition and clearing up the confusion over what is a political offense
(D) allowing nations to establish their own extradition policies and establishing an agreed-upon international approach to extradition
(E) protecting from extradition persons accused of “pure” political offenses and ensuring the trial of persons accused of “relative” political offenses
12. The author would most likely agree that the political offense exception
(A) has, in some cases, been stretched beyond intended use
(B) has been used too infrequently to be evaluated
(C) has been a modestly useful weapon again terrorism
(D) has never met the objective for which it was originally established
(E) has been of more academic than practical value to political dissidents
13. Which one of the following, if true, would give the author most cause to reconsider her recommendation regarding the political offence exception (lines 62-66)?
(A) More nations started refusing to extradite persons accused or convicted of terrorist acts.
(B) More nations started extraditing persons accused or convicted of treason, espionage, and other similar crimes.
(C) The nations of the world sharply decreased their use of the political offense exception protect persons accused of each of the various types of “pure” political offenses.
(D) The nations of the world sharply decreased their use of the political offense exception to protect persons accused of each of the various types of “relative” political offenses.
(E) The nations of the world started to disagree over the analytical distinction between “pure” political offenses and “relative” political offenses.
As is well known and has often been described, the machine industry of recent times took its rise by a gradual emergence out of handicraft in England in the eighteenth century. Since then the mechanical industry has progressively been getting the upper hand in all the civilized nations, in much the same degree in which these nations have come to be counted as civilized. This mechanical industry now stands dominant at the apex of the industrial system.
The state of the industrial arts, as it runs on the lines of the mechanical industry, is a technology of physics and chemistry. That is to say, it is governed by the same logic as the scientific laboratories. The procedure, the principles, habits of thought, preconceptions, units of measurement and of valuation, are the same in both cases.
The technology of physics and chemistry is not derived from established law and custom, and it goes on its way with as nearly complete a disregard of the spiritual truths of law and custom as the circumstances will permit. The realities with which this technology is occupied are of another order of actuality, lying altogether within the three dimensions that contain the material universe, and running altogether on the logic of material fact. In effect it is the logic of inanimate facts.
The mechanical industry makes use of the same range of facts handled in the same impersonal way and directed to the same manner of objective results. In both cases alike it is of the first importance to eliminate the “personal equation,” to let the work go forward and let the forces at work take effect quite objectively, without hindrance or deflection for any personal end, interest, or gain. It is the technician’s place in industry, as it is the scientist’s place in the laboratory, to serve as an intellectual embodiment of the forces at work, isolate the forces engaged from all extraneous disturbances, and let them take full effect along the lines of designed work. The technician is an active or creative factor in the case only in the sense that he is the keeper of the logic which governs the forces at work.
These forces that so are brought to bear in mechanical industry are of an objective, impersonal, unconventional nature, of course. They are of the nature of opaque fact. Pecuniary gain is not one of these impersonal facts. Any consideration of pecuniary gain that may be injected into the technician’s working plans will come into the case as an intrusive and alien factor, whose sole effect is to deflect, retard, derange and curtail the work in hand. At the same time considerations of pecuniary gain are the only agency brought into the case by the businessmen, and the only ground on which they exercise a control of production.
14. The author of the passage is primarily concerned with discussing
(A) industrial organization in the eighteenth century
(B) the motives for pecuniary gain
(C) the technician’s place in mechanical industry
(D) the impersonal organization of industry
(E) the material contribution of physics in industrial society
15. The author of the passage suggests that businessmen in the mechanical industry are responsible mainly for
(A) keeping the logic governing the forces at work
(B) managing the profits
(C) directing the activities of the technicians
(D) employing the technological procedures of physics and chemistry
(E) treating material gain as a spiritual truth
16. Which one of the following, if true, would contradict the author’s belief that the role of technician is to be “the keeper of the logic” (lines 45-46)?
(A) All technicians are human beings with feelings and emotions.
(B) An interest in pecuniary gain is the technician’s sole motive for participation in industry.
(C) The technician’s working plans do not coincide with the technician’s pecuniary interests.
(D) Technicians are employed by businessmen to oversee the forces at work.
(E) Technicians refuse to carry out the instructions of the businessmen.
17. The author would probably most strongly agree with which one of the following statements about the evolution of the industrial system?
(A) The handicraft system of industry emerged in eighteenth-century England and was subsequently replaced by the machine industry.
(B) The handicraft system of industrial production has gradually given rise to a mechanistic technology that dominates contemporary industry.
(C) The handicraft system emerged as the dominant factor of production in eighteenth-century England but was soon replaced by mechanical techniques of production.
(D) The mechanical system of production that preceded the handicraft system was the precursor of contemporary means of production.
(E) The industrial arts developed as a result of the growth of the mechanical industry that followed the decline of the handicraft system of production.
18. Which one of the following best describes the author’s attitude toward scientific techniques?
(A) critical
(B) hostile
(C) idealistic
(D) ironic
(E) neutral
(This passage was originally published in 1905)
The word democracy may stand for a natural social equality in the body politic or for a constitutional form of government in which power lies more or less directly in the people’s hand. The former may be called social democracy and the later democratic government. The two differ widely, both in origin and in moral principle. Genetically considered, social democracy is something primitive, unintended, proper to communities where there is general competence and no marked personal eminence. There be no will aristocracy, no prestige, but instead an intelligent readiness to lend a hand and to do in unison whatever is done. In other words, there will be that most democratic of governments—no government at all. But when pressure of circumstances, danger, or inward strife makes recognized and prolonged guidance necessary to a social democracy, the form its government takes is that of a rudimentary monarchy established by election or general consent. A natural leader emerges and is instinctively obeyed. That leader may indeed be freely criticized and will not be screened by any pomp or traditional mystery; he or she will be easy to replace and every citizen will feel essentially his or her equal. Yet such a state is at the beginnings of monarchy and aristocracy.
Political democracy, on the other hand, is a late and artificial product. It arises by a gradual extension of aristocratic privileges, through rebellion against abuses, and in answer to restlessness on the people’s part. Its principle is not the absence of eminence, but the discovery that existing eminence is no longer genuine and representative. It may retain many vestiges of older and less democratic institutions. For under democratic governments the people have not created the state; they merely control it. Their suspicions and jealousies are quieted by assigning to them a voice, perhaps only a veto, in the administration. The people’s liberty consists not in their original responsibility for what exists, but merely in the faculty they have acquired of abolishing any detail that may distress or wound them, and of imposing any new measure, which, seen against the background of existing laws, may commend itself from time to time to their instinct and mind.
If we turn from origins to ideals, the contrast between social and political democracy is no less marked. Social democracy is a general ethical ideal, looking to human equality and brotherhood, and inconsistent, in its radical form, with such institutions as the family and hereditary property. Democratic government, on the contrary, is merely a means to an end, an expedient for the better and smoother government of certain states at certain junctures. It involves no special ideals of life; it is a question of policy, namely, whether the general interest will be better served by granting all people an equal voice in elections. For political democracy must necessarily be a government by deputy, and the questions actually submitted to the people can be only very large rough matters of general policy or of confidence in party leaders.
19. The author suggests that the lack of “marked personal eminence” (line 11) is an important feature of a social democracy because
(A) such a society is also likely to contain the seeds of monarchy and aristocracy
(B) the absence of visible social leaders in such a society will probably impede the development of a political democracy
(C) social democracy represents a more sophisticated form of government than political democracy
(D) a society that lacks recognized leadership will be unable to accomplish its cultural objectives
(E) the absence of visible social leaders in such a community is likely to be accompanied by a spirit of cooperation
20. Which one of the following forms of government does the author say is most likely to evolve from a social democracy?
(A) monarchy
(B) government by deputy
(C) political democracy
(D) representative democracy
(E) constitutional democracy
21. The author of the passage suggests that a political democracy is likely to have been immediately preceded by which one of the following forms of social organization?
(A) a social democracy in which the spirit of participation has been diminished by the need to maintain internal security
(B) an aristocratic society in which government leaders have grown insensitive to people’s interests
(C) a primitive society that stresses the radical equality of all its members
(D) a state of utopian brotherhood in which no government exists
(E) a government based on general ethical ideals
22. According to the passage, “the people’s liberty” (line 42) in a political democracy is best defined as
(A) a willingness to accept responsibility for existing governmental forms
(B) a myth perpetrated by aristocratic leaders who refuse to grant political power to their subjects
(C) the ability to impose radically new measures when existing governmental forms are found to be inadequate
(D) the ability to secure concessions from a government that may retain many aristocratic characteristics
(E) the ability to elect leaders whom the people consider socially equal to themselves
23. According to the author of this passage, a social democracy would most likely adopt a formal system of government when
(A) recognized leadership becomes necessary to deal with social problems
(B) people lose the instinctive ability to cooperate in solving social problems
(C) a ruling monarch decides that it is necessary to grant political concessions to the people
(D) citizens no longer consider their social leaders essentially equal to themselves
(E) the human instinct to obey social leaders has been weakened by suspicion and jealousy
24. According to the passage, which one of the following is likely to occur as a result of the discovery that “existing eminence is no longer genuine and representative” (lines 35-36)?
(A) Aristocratic privileges will be strengthened, which will result in a further loss of the people’s liberty.
(B) The government will be forced to admit its responsibility for the inadequacy of existing political institutions.
(C) The remaining vestiges of less democratic institutions will be banished from government.
(D) People will gain political concessions from the government and a voice in the affairs of state.
(E) People will demand that political democracy conform to the ethical ideals of social democracy.
25. It can be inferred from the passage that the practice of “government by deputy” (line 64) in a political democracy probably has its origins in
(A) aristocratic ideals
(B) human instincts
(C) a commitment to human equality
(D) a general ethical ideal
(E) a policy decision
26. Which one of the following statements, if true, would contradict the author’s notion of the characteristics of social democracy?
(A) Organized governmental systems tend to arise spontaneously, rather than in response to specific problem situations.
(B) The presence of an organized system of government stifles the expression of human equality and brotherhood.
(C) Social democracy represents a more primitive form of communal organization than political democracy.
(D) Prolonged and formal leadership may become necessary in a social democracy when problems arise that cannot be resolved by recourse to the general competence of the people.
(E) Although political democracy and social democracy are radically different forms of communal organization, it is possible for both to contain elements of monarchy.
Directions: Each passage in this section is followed by a group of questions to be answered on the basis of what is stated or implied in the passage. For some of the questions, more than one of the choices could conceivably answer the question. However, you are to choose the best answer, that is, the response that most accurately and completely answers the question, and blacken the corresponding space on your answer sheet.
Immigrants’ adoption of English as their primary language is one measure of assimilation into the larger United States society. Generally languages define social groups and provide justification for social structures. Hence, a distinctive language sets a cultural group off from the dominant language group. Throughout United States history this pattern has resulted in one consistent, unhappy consequence, discrimination against members of the cultural minority. Language differences provide both a way to rationalize subordination and a ready means for achieving it.
Traditionally, English has replaced the native language of immigrant groups by the second or third generation. Some characteristics of today’s Spanish-speaking population, however, suggest the possibility of a departure from this historical pattern. Many families retain ties in Latin America and move back and forth between their present and former communities. This “revolving door” phenomenon, along with the high probability of additional immigrants from the south, means that large Spanish-speaking communities are likely to exist in the United States for the indefinite future.
This expectation underlies the call for national support for bilingual education in Spanish-speaking communities’ public schools. Bilingual education can serve different purposes, however. In the 1960s, such programs were established to facilitate the learning of English so as to avoid disadvantaging children in their other subjects because of their limited English. More recently, many advocates have viewed bilingual education as a means to maintain children’s native languages and cultures. The issue is important for people with different political agendas, from absorption at one pole to separatism at the other.
To date, the evaluations of bilingual education’s impact on learning have been inconclusive. The issue of bilingual education has, nevertheless, served to unite the leadership of the nation’s Hispanic communities. Grounded in concerns about status that are directly traceable to the United States history of discrimination against Hispanics, the demand for maintenance of the Spanish language in the schools is an assertion of the worth of a people and their culture. If the United States is truly a multicultural nation—that is, if it is one culture reflecting the contributions of many—this demand should be seen as a demand not for separation but for inclusion.
More direct efforts to force inclusion can be misguided. For example, movements to declare English the official language do not truly advance the cohesion of a multicultural nation. They alienate the twenty million people who do not speak English as their mother tongue. They are unnecessary since the public’s business is already conducted largely in English. Further, given the present state of understanding about the effects of bilingual education on learning, it would be unwise to require the universal use of English. Finally, it is for parents and local communities to choose the path they will follow, including how much of their culture they want to maintain for their children.
1. It can be inferred from the passage that one of the characteristics of immigrant groups to the United States has traditionally been that, after immigration, relatively few members of the group
(A) became politically active in their new communities
(B) moved back and forth repeatedly between the United States and their former communities
(C) used their native languages in their new communities
(D) suffered discrimination in their new communities at the hands of the cultural majority
(E) sought assimilation into the dominant culture of the new communities they were entering
2. The passage suggests that one of the effects of the debate over bilingual education is that it has
(A) given the Hispanic community a new-found pride in its culture
(B) hampered the education of Spanish-speaking students
(C) demonstrated the negative impact on imposing English as the official United States language
(D) provided a common banner under which the Spanish-speaking communities could rally
(E) polarized the opinions of local Spanish-speaking community leaders
3. In lines 38-39, the phrase “different political agendas” refers specifically to conflicting opinions regarding the
(A) means of legislating the assimilation of minorities into United States society
(B) methods of inducing Hispanics to adopt English as their primary language
(C) means of achieving nondiscriminatory education for Hispanics
(D) official given responsibility for decisions regarding bilingual education
(E) extent to which Hispanics should blend into the larger United States society
4. In lines 64-65 the author says that “It would be unwise to require the universal use of English.” One reason for this, according to the author, is that
(A) it is not clear yet whether requiring the universal use of English would promote or hinder the education of children whose English is limited
(B) the nation’s Hispanic leaders have shown that bilingual education is most effective when it includes the maintenance of the Spanish language in the schools
(C) requiring the universal use of English would reduce the cohesion of the nation’s Hispanic communities and leadership
(D) the question of language in the schools should be answered by those who evaluate bilingual education, not by people with specific political agendas
(E) it has been shown that bilingual education is necessary to avoid disadvantaging in their general learning children whose English is limited
5. In the last paragraph, the author of the passage is primarily concerned with discussing
(A) reasons against enacting a measure that would mandate the forced inclusion of immigrant groups within the dominant United culture
(B) the virtues and limitations of declaring English the official language of the United States
(C) the history of attitudes within the Hispanic community toward bilingual education in the United States
(D) the importance for immigrant groups of maintaining large segments of their culture to pass on to their children
(E) the difference in cultures between Hispanics and other immigrant groups in the United States
The refusal of some countries to extradite persons accused or convicted of terrorist act has focused attention on the problems caused by the political offense exception to extradition. Extradition is the process by which one country returns an accused or convicted person found within its borders to another country for trial or punishment. Under the political offense exception, the requested state may, if it considers the crime to be a “political offense,” deny extradition to the requesting state.
Protection of political offenses is a recent addition to the ancient practice of extradition. It is the result of two fundamental changes that occurred as European monarchies were replaced by representative governments. First, these governments began to reject what had been a primary intent of extradition, to expedite the return of political offenders, and instead sought to protect dissidents fleeing despotic regimes. Second, countries began to contend that they had no legal or moral duty to extradite offenders without specific agreements creating such obligations. As extradition laws subsequently developed through international treaties, the political offense exception gradually became an accepted principle among Western nations.
There is no international consensus, however, as to what constitutes a political offense. For analytical purposes illegal political conduct has traditionally been divided into two categories. “Pure” political offenses are acts perpetrated directly against the government, such as treason and espionage. These crimes are generally recognized as nonextraditable, even if not expressly excluded from extradition by the applicable treaty. In contrast, common crimes, such as murder, assault, and robbery, are generally extraditable. However, there are some common crimes that are so inseparable from a political act that the entire offense is regarded as political. These crimes, which are called “relative” political offenses, are generally nonextraditable. Despite the widespread acceptance of these analytic constructs, the distinctions are more academic than meaningful. When it comes to real cases, there is no agreement about what transforms a common crime into a political offense and about whether terrorist acts fall within the protection of the exception. Most terrorists claim that their acts do fall under this protection.
Nations of the world must now balance the competing needs of political freedom and international public order. It is time to reexamine the political offense exception, as international terrorism eradicates the critical distinctions between political offenses and nonpolitical crimes. The only rational and attainable objective of the exception is to protect the requested person against unfair treatment by the requesting country. The international community needs to find an alternative to the political offense exception that would protect the rights of requested persons and yet not offer terrorists immunity from criminal liability.
6. In the passage, the author primarily seeks to
(A) define a set of terms
(B) outline a new approach
(C) describe a current problem
(D) expose an illegal practice
(E) present historical information
7. According to the passage, when did countries begin to except political offenders from extradition?
(A) when the principle of extraditing accused or convicted persons originated
(B) when some nations began refusing to extradite persons accused or convicted of terrorist acts
(C) when representative governments began to replace European monarchies
(D) when countries began to refuse to extradite persons accused or convicted of common crimes
(E) when governments began to use extradition to expedite the return of political offenders
8. Given the discussion in the passage, which one of the following distinctions does the author consider particularly problematic?
(A) between common crimes and “relative” political offense
(B) between “pure” political offenses and common crimes
(C) between “pure” political offenses and “relative” political offenses
(D) between terrorist acts and acts of espionage
(E) between the political offense exception and other exceptions to extradition
9. According to the author, the primary purpose of the political offense exception should be to
(A) ensure that terrorists are tried for their acts
(B) ensure that individuals accused of political crimes are not treated unfairly
(C) distinguish between political and nonpolitical offenses
(D) limit extradition to those accused of “pure” political offenses
(E) limit extradition to those accused of “relative” political offenses
10. It can be inferred from the passage that the author would agree with which one of the following statements about the political offense exception?
(A) The exception is very unpopular.
(B) The exception is probably illegal.
(C) The exception is used too little.
(D) The exception needs rethinking.
(E) The exception is too limited.
11. When referring to a balance between “the competing needs of political freedom and international public order” (lines 54-55) the author means that nations must strike a balance between
(A) allowing persons to protest political injustice and preventing them from committing political offenses
(B) protecting the rights of persons requested for extradition and holding terrorists criminally liable
(C) maintaining the political offense exception to extradition and clearing up the confusion over what is a political offense
(D) allowing nations to establish their own extradition policies and establishing an agreed-upon international approach to extradition
(E) protecting from extradition persons accused of “pure” political offenses and ensuring the trial of persons accused of “relative” political offenses
12. The author would most likely agree that the political offense exception
(A) has, in some cases, been stretched beyond intended use
(B) has been used too infrequently to be evaluated
(C) has been a modestly useful weapon again terrorism
(D) has never met the objective for which it was originally established
(E) has been of more academic than practical value to political dissidents
13. Which one of the following, if true, would give the author most cause to reconsider her recommendation regarding the political offence exception (lines 62-66)?
(A) More nations started refusing to extradite persons accused or convicted of terrorist acts.
(B) More nations started extraditing persons accused or convicted of treason, espionage, and other similar crimes.
(C) The nations of the world sharply decreased their use of the political offense exception protect persons accused of each of the various types of “pure” political offenses.
(D) The nations of the world sharply decreased their use of the political offense exception to protect persons accused of each of the various types of “relative” political offenses.
(E) The nations of the world started to disagree over the analytical distinction between “pure” political offenses and “relative” political offenses.
As is well known and has often been described, the machine industry of recent times took its rise by a gradual emergence out of handicraft in England in the eighteenth century. Since then the mechanical industry has progressively been getting the upper hand in all the civilized nations, in much the same degree in which these nations have come to be counted as civilized. This mechanical industry now stands dominant at the apex of the industrial system.
The state of the industrial arts, as it runs on the lines of the mechanical industry, is a technology of physics and chemistry. That is to say, it is governed by the same logic as the scientific laboratories. The procedure, the principles, habits of thought, preconceptions, units of measurement and of valuation, are the same in both cases.
The technology of physics and chemistry is not derived from established law and custom, and it goes on its way with as nearly complete a disregard of the spiritual truths of law and custom as the circumstances will permit. The realities with which this technology is occupied are of another order of actuality, lying altogether within the three dimensions that contain the material universe, and running altogether on the logic of material fact. In effect it is the logic of inanimate facts.
The mechanical industry makes use of the same range of facts handled in the same impersonal way and directed to the same manner of objective results. In both cases alike it is of the first importance to eliminate the “personal equation,” to let the work go forward and let the forces at work take effect quite objectively, without hindrance or deflection for any personal end, interest, or gain. It is the technician’s place in industry, as it is the scientist’s place in the laboratory, to serve as an intellectual embodiment of the forces at work, isolate the forces engaged from all extraneous disturbances, and let them take full effect along the lines of designed work. The technician is an active or creative factor in the case only in the sense that he is the keeper of the logic which governs the forces at work.
These forces that so are brought to bear in mechanical industry are of an objective, impersonal, unconventional nature, of course. They are of the nature of opaque fact. Pecuniary gain is not one of these impersonal facts. Any consideration of pecuniary gain that may be injected into the technician’s working plans will come into the case as an intrusive and alien factor, whose sole effect is to deflect, retard, derange and curtail the work in hand. At the same time considerations of pecuniary gain are the only agency brought into the case by the businessmen, and the only ground on which they exercise a control of production.
14. The author of the passage is primarily concerned with discussing
(A) industrial organization in the eighteenth century
(B) the motives for pecuniary gain
(C) the technician’s place in mechanical industry
(D) the impersonal organization of industry
(E) the material contribution of physics in industrial society
15. The author of the passage suggests that businessmen in the mechanical industry are responsible mainly for
(A) keeping the logic governing the forces at work
(B) managing the profits
(C) directing the activities of the technicians
(D) employing the technological procedures of physics and chemistry
(E) treating material gain as a spiritual truth
16. Which one of the following, if true, would contradict the author’s belief that the role of technician is to be “the keeper of the logic” (lines 45-46)?
(A) All technicians are human beings with feelings and emotions.
(B) An interest in pecuniary gain is the technician’s sole motive for participation in industry.
(C) The technician’s working plans do not coincide with the technician’s pecuniary interests.
(D) Technicians are employed by businessmen to oversee the forces at work.
(E) Technicians refuse to carry out the instructions of the businessmen.
17. The author would probably most strongly agree with which one of the following statements about the evolution of the industrial system?
(A) The handicraft system of industry emerged in eighteenth-century England and was subsequently replaced by the machine industry.
(B) The handicraft system of industrial production has gradually given rise to a mechanistic technology that dominates contemporary industry.
(C) The handicraft system emerged as the dominant factor of production in eighteenth-century England but was soon replaced by mechanical techniques of production.
(D) The mechanical system of production that preceded the handicraft system was the precursor of contemporary means of production.
(E) The industrial arts developed as a result of the growth of the mechanical industry that followed the decline of the handicraft system of production.
18. Which one of the following best describes the author’s attitude toward scientific techniques?
(A) critical
(B) hostile
(C) idealistic
(D) ironic
(E) neutral
(This passage was originally published in 1905)
The word democracy may stand for a natural social equality in the body politic or for a constitutional form of government in which power lies more or less directly in the people’s hand. The former may be called social democracy and the later democratic government. The two differ widely, both in origin and in moral principle. Genetically considered, social democracy is something primitive, unintended, proper to communities where there is general competence and no marked personal eminence. There be no will aristocracy, no prestige, but instead an intelligent readiness to lend a hand and to do in unison whatever is done. In other words, there will be that most democratic of governments—no government at all. But when pressure of circumstances, danger, or inward strife makes recognized and prolonged guidance necessary to a social democracy, the form its government takes is that of a rudimentary monarchy established by election or general consent. A natural leader emerges and is instinctively obeyed. That leader may indeed be freely criticized and will not be screened by any pomp or traditional mystery; he or she will be easy to replace and every citizen will feel essentially his or her equal. Yet such a state is at the beginnings of monarchy and aristocracy.
Political democracy, on the other hand, is a late and artificial product. It arises by a gradual extension of aristocratic privileges, through rebellion against abuses, and in answer to restlessness on the people’s part. Its principle is not the absence of eminence, but the discovery that existing eminence is no longer genuine and representative. It may retain many vestiges of older and less democratic institutions. For under democratic governments the people have not created the state; they merely control it. Their suspicions and jealousies are quieted by assigning to them a voice, perhaps only a veto, in the administration. The people’s liberty consists not in their original responsibility for what exists, but merely in the faculty they have acquired of abolishing any detail that may distress or wound them, and of imposing any new measure, which, seen against the background of existing laws, may commend itself from time to time to their instinct and mind.
If we turn from origins to ideals, the contrast between social and political democracy is no less marked. Social democracy is a general ethical ideal, looking to human equality and brotherhood, and inconsistent, in its radical form, with such institutions as the family and hereditary property. Democratic government, on the contrary, is merely a means to an end, an expedient for the better and smoother government of certain states at certain junctures. It involves no special ideals of life; it is a question of policy, namely, whether the general interest will be better served by granting all people an equal voice in elections. For political democracy must necessarily be a government by deputy, and the questions actually submitted to the people can be only very large rough matters of general policy or of confidence in party leaders.
19. The author suggests that the lack of “marked personal eminence” (line 11) is an important feature of a social democracy because
(A) such a society is also likely to contain the seeds of monarchy and aristocracy
(B) the absence of visible social leaders in such a society will probably impede the development of a political democracy
(C) social democracy represents a more sophisticated form of government than political democracy
(D) a society that lacks recognized leadership will be unable to accomplish its cultural objectives
(E) the absence of visible social leaders in such a community is likely to be accompanied by a spirit of cooperation
20. Which one of the following forms of government does the author say is most likely to evolve from a social democracy?
(A) monarchy
(B) government by deputy
(C) political democracy
(D) representative democracy
(E) constitutional democracy
21. The author of the passage suggests that a political democracy is likely to have been immediately preceded by which one of the following forms of social organization?
(A) a social democracy in which the spirit of participation has been diminished by the need to maintain internal security
(B) an aristocratic society in which government leaders have grown insensitive to people’s interests
(C) a primitive society that stresses the radical equality of all its members
(D) a state of utopian brotherhood in which no government exists
(E) a government based on general ethical ideals
22. According to the passage, “the people’s liberty” (line 42) in a political democracy is best defined as
(A) a willingness to accept responsibility for existing governmental forms
(B) a myth perpetrated by aristocratic leaders who refuse to grant political power to their subjects
(C) the ability to impose radically new measures when existing governmental forms are found to be inadequate
(D) the ability to secure concessions from a government that may retain many aristocratic characteristics
(E) the ability to elect leaders whom the people consider socially equal to themselves
23. According to the author of this passage, a social democracy would most likely adopt a formal system of government when
(A) recognized leadership becomes necessary to deal with social problems
(B) people lose the instinctive ability to cooperate in solving social problems
(C) a ruling monarch decides that it is necessary to grant political concessions to the people
(D) citizens no longer consider their social leaders essentially equal to themselves
(E) the human instinct to obey social leaders has been weakened by suspicion and jealousy
24. According to the passage, which one of the following is likely to occur as a result of the discovery that “existing eminence is no longer genuine and representative” (lines 35-36)?
(A) Aristocratic privileges will be strengthened, which will result in a further loss of the people’s liberty.
(B) The government will be forced to admit its responsibility for the inadequacy of existing political institutions.
(C) The remaining vestiges of less democratic institutions will be banished from government.
(D) People will gain political concessions from the government and a voice in the affairs of state.
(E) People will demand that political democracy conform to the ethical ideals of social democracy.
25. It can be inferred from the passage that the practice of “government by deputy” (line 64) in a political democracy probably has its origins in
(A) aristocratic ideals
(B) human instincts
(C) a commitment to human equality
(D) a general ethical ideal
(E) a policy decision
26. Which one of the following statements, if true, would contradict the author’s notion of the characteristics of social democracy?
(A) Organized governmental systems tend to arise spontaneously, rather than in response to specific problem situations.
(B) The presence of an organized system of government stifles the expression of human equality and brotherhood.
(C) Social democracy represents a more primitive form of communal organization than political democracy.
(D) Prolonged and formal leadership may become necessary in a social democracy when problems arise that cannot be resolved by recourse to the general competence of the people.
(E) Although political democracy and social democracy are radically different forms of communal organization, it is possible for both to contain elements of monarchy.
还没人赞这篇日记
