幼儿园 New Yorker 04/04/05

KK

2008-02-09 17:47:50 来自: KK

幼儿园


上幼儿园的前一天晚上,魏佳不愿意我们提这事。他五岁,整个夏天,他只穿着一件脏背心和一条内裤在三岔度过。三岔是北京北面山里的一个小村子,村里住着大约150名主要依靠果园维持生计的农民。我和我的美籍中国人朋友郭咪咪在这里一起租了魏佳亲戚的房子,作为周末的住处。周日的晚上,吃晚饭的时候,我问魏佳明天要上幼儿园了高不高兴,他没理我。

这天早些时候,咪咪和我从北京开车两小时来到村里。九月的第一个星期,核桃正在成熟,路上可见十数农民扛着长杆去打核桃,有的骑着单车,握着杆子的模样就像跨马拧枪的武士。我们经过一位上身赤裸的老妇。她银白的头发梳理整齐,她的步伐坚定。我把车停在路边。“别管我!”咪咪迈出车门的时候,老太太向她嚷道。“没事!”她一只手攥着自己的上衣,泪水在腮边闪亮。她从车旁冲过,我们看见了她背上新鲜的瘀痕。

向前开了会儿,我们又试了一次。咪咪打开车门的刹那,她开始尖叫。“我不回去!”老妇喊着。“我不回去!”她改变方向,朝路中间走去,迎面驶来的一辆车放慢了速度。也许前面的村子里有人认识她并愿意帮忙。下一个村子离这儿不过两英里路,她显然能走到。这种事在农村时有发生,外来者的热心有时候只会添乱。“没办法”,中国人会说。

第二天一早七点钟,我们出发去幼儿园。魏佳穿着卡其布长裤和一件红色的T恤。我送了他一个有米老鼠图案的新书包,他的母亲在里面放了一只铅笔盒,铅笔盒里是一支新削好的铅笔。长裤的裤线依然可见。这是我第一次看到穿着干净衣服的魏佳。

我认识魏佳一家人早在2001年。那一年,咪咪和我开始在三岔停留。我选中这里的原因是安静——这儿没有餐馆,没有商店,没有公共汽车。坐在桌边写作的时候,耳边只有乡村生活的音响:一头驴在叫,吹过核桃树的风。一周里有三四次,一辆平板卡车从山下隆隆驶来,把日用品卖给村民。每天两次,分别在早晨和下午日落前,政府装在电线杆上的宣传大喇叭会嘶叫着活过来。村里的通知,全国新闻,共产党的口号——一切都在村子周围高耸的石壁间回荡着。

但是我在三岔很少听到孩子玩耍的声音。村里的小学几年前关闭了,因为年轻的家庭往往不愿留在村庄。在中国各地,农民都在为城市提供的经济机会而离开乡村。又因为计划生育,仍留在三岔的几户年轻家庭规模都不大,为数不多的孩子们只好沿着山谷下到10英里外人口更稠密的村子里去上学,他们有的寄宿,有的住在亲戚家里。

魏佳是这一年唯一来自三岔的幼儿园小朋友。他将会跟自己的祖父母住在辛营,一个有小学的村庄。在魏佳幼儿园生涯的第一天,咪咪开车,我坐副驾驶位,魏佳坐在我腿上。他的父亲魏子淇、母亲曹春梅坐在后排。他们中间坐着魏子淇的哥哥——傻子。

我问过曹春梅,傻子的真名是什么。她说她不知道。每个人都叫他傻子。傻子四十多岁。中国的大多数村子里似乎都有一两个和他年龄相仿的傻子,因为过去农民的饮食缺碘。一个怀孕妇女如果不能摄取足够的碘,她怀的孩子就有智障的危险。如今加碘食盐的广泛推行已经在中国乡村显著地减少了这种生育缺陷。

总的来说,傻子看上去和三岔村的任何人一样开心。他胃口很好,白天他待在魏家高踞山中的晒台上。从这里可以眺望周围方圆数英里的景致:瓦屋顶的村庄,蛇行的山间公路,山巅已成废墟的长城。这些构成了傻子所处世界的边界。他干不了农活,他不会说话。每当他想说点什么,他的脸就会因为激动扭曲变形,仿佛说话的能力在他开口的一刹突然消失,仿佛他是在竭力追回这种能力。而事实上他从未说过话。村里人也对他尝试沟通的努力视而不见。

这是我第一次看见傻子离开三岔。我问魏子淇为什么傻子跟我们一起去。“我们要去政府办点事,”他说。

我们驶出村子的时候,魏佳的身子前倾,双手撑在仪表板上。他很少乘坐汽车,对他而言,坐汽车从不是被动的体验。每到拐弯处,我都能感觉到他把身体贴近挡风玻璃,试图看到拐过弯后有什么。每到山顶他也会把身体向前探过去。在中国,我没见过儿童汽车座椅,我清楚地意识到应该让魏佳坐在后排;但这会让他伤心无已。所以我紧紧抱着他。

我们从山上下来,经过山谷里新近收割的小麦和玉米秸秆。举着长杆的人们正在对付核桃树;核桃壳在我们车轮下咯吱作响。“看,他们也有书包”,曹春梅说,“他们跟你一样去上学呢。”魏佳的胳膊僵直地撑在仪表板上。

开进渤海镇,魏子淇让咪咪把车停在镇政府。然后他解释了带傻子来的原因。“政府本来应该每个月付给我们照顾傻子的费用,”他说,“这是法律规定的。我跟村支书要过,她不给。我们只能自己来这儿跟政府要,如果他们不给,我就把傻子留在这儿。这是他们的责任。”

“你要把他留在镇政府?”咪咪问。

“对,”魏子淇说,“这样才能让他们重视这事。”

咪咪问他每个月的补助有多少。

“最少五十块,”魏子淇说。约等于六美元。

我们在政府的院子外面停了车。院子前面是一座雕塑,由一个闪闪发光的钢球和一根弯曲的巨柱组成。许多乡镇最近都树起类似风格的雕塑,映带左右的还有呼唤现代化和繁荣的标语。渤海镇的口号是“世纪之星”。雕塑丑陋得可怕。魏子淇走进了院子,他哥跟在后面。整个早上傻子都面无表情。

魏佳的手仍然放在仪表板上。五分钟以后,他父亲一个人回来了。我们继续开车上路。

魏佳是我见过最瘦小的五岁男孩。他的母亲经常为他的健康操心;他很挑食,他的体重只有三十磅。四岁的孩子都比他高;三岁的则跟他差不多大小。魏佳思维敏捷,但语言表达有障碍,连他的父母也常常很难听懂他说的话。不过他很结实,他的平衡能力也很出色。

从去年开始,他已经可以在村子里自由玩耍。他在自家附近的山路上行动灵活,永不疲倦,他几乎从来不哭。他调皮捣蛋的能力无穷无尽,仿佛一个九岁男孩的强悍和灵活被塞进了一个三岁的身体。认识的时间长了,他开始叫我魔鬼叔叔,这是一种对传统敬语的戏谑。我是他遇到的第一个外国人。

魏佳的脸是完美的椭圆形,短发,眼睛里放着淘气的光。他的父母对付他很有一套。他们避免夸奖他——传统的中国父母对恭维话有种深深的恐惧。这种态度一部分出于谨慎,同时还有迷信的成分,他们认为骄傲会带来厄运。

有时候,当我想用西式恶作剧逗咪咪,我会不停地向曹春梅夸她儿子:“魏佳长得真好看。”

“他不好看,”他母亲会立刻答道。

“他真聪明”。

“他很笨,一点都不聪明。”

“多好的孩子。”

“闭嘴吧你,”咪咪用英语对我说。

“他是个坏孩子,”母亲说。

以我所见,魏佳从父母那里得到过的唯一夸奖是:老实。字典里把它定义为“诚实”,但这个词很难翻译。它还有顺从的意思,在乡人的观念里,它也是举止得体的表现。“魏佳很老实”,他的父母会说,这是他们最接近骄傲的表达了。

我们把车停在辛营小学的后门。一个老师过来跟我们打了招呼,把我们领进门。魏佳面无表情。他走进教室,突然停下,大声宣布:“这地方不好!”然后挣脱了父母的手,跑出门外。他哭着穿过校门跑回停车的地方。“我要回家!”他说,“我不愿意在这儿!”

他母亲跟着他。其他的孩子扭过头看了一会儿便失去了兴趣。教室里很脏,天花板上有个洞。黑板上满是裂缝。二十个孩子坐在课桌前;每个人在玩一堆类似乐高的积木玩具。只有三个女孩。渤海镇没有严格执行一胎生育政策——和中国其他多山少人的地方一样,这里允许村民生第二个孩子,如果第一个是女孩的话。但是在中国,贿赂医生以获得超声波信息的情况并不罕见,尽管这种行为受法律禁止。当地人告诉我,辛营的大多数孩子是男孩。

校门外,魏佳站在车旁的尘埃中哭泣。他反抗所有试图把他拉回教室的人。通常,魏子淇对他的儿子很严厉,但此时他似乎与儿子的恐惧很有共鸣,于是和他理论起来。“每个人都要上学,”魏子淇耐心地说,“我上过学,你妈也上过。秘密阿姨上过学,魔鬼叔叔也上过。”

校园里的喇叭开始噼啪作响,升旗的音乐响起。大一点的孩子戴着少先队的红领巾在国歌声中列队站好。魏佳的脸上挤满了惊恐。在此之前,他从未同时见过这么多孩子。

过了大约四十五分钟,他开始安静下来。父亲把他带进教室;母亲领他到一张课桌后坐好。十分钟后,他又一次冲向门口,但是这次他们抓住了他。他再次哭了起来,又一次剧烈的爆发,然后平静下来。放弃写在了他皱起的眉头上。

我们尽可能安静地离开。我问魏子淇厕所在哪儿,他让我在校园的围墙边上解决。一边在草丛里尿着,我能听见孩子们的说话声,笑声和念课文的声音。我们在学校待了快一个小时。回去的路上,车里显得很空。

那天,傻子两次从镇政府里跑了出来。第一次,镇干部在门口就抓住了他,第二次,他跑到了渤海镇上。他们花了些功夫才找到他。

官员打电话给魏子淇让他来接自己的哥哥;魏子淇要求发补助金。谁也不肯让步,终于,这天下午,镇干部把傻子带上车,开进了山。他们把他放在离三岔两英里的地方。地形陡峭,傻子从没自己走过这么远的路。幸运的是他找到了回家的路。

这些是魏子淇后来告诉我的,现在他对傻子的问题已经基本满意。县政府——比镇政府高一级——已经同意研究补助金的问题了。

下一次来三岔的时候,傻子指着我的车对我大笑。他不停地咕噜着什么,手上比比划划。我意识到他是在说我们上次开车出去的事。“我知道,”我说,“我记得。”我想跟他说,当时我还不知道是怎么回事,知道的时候已经太晚了——没办法。但是他没法明白我的悔意,他继续比划着,似乎对于再次见到我非常激动。

国庆放假的时候,魏佳回家来了。他的腿上和背上出了一片片瘀紫。这是十月的第一个星期,玉米已经成熟。魏家人把他们的收成堆在晒台上,整个下午魏佳都在这堆玉米上玩。后来,他的父母注意到那些瘀痕变深了,他们想孩子应该去医院看看。

咪咪和我正在三岔度假。我表示可以开车送魏佳和他父亲去怀柔。怀柔是离这儿最近的城市,基本上位于三岔到北京的中点,这几年它已经从一个小镇成长为首都的卫星城。在医院,一个护士给魏佳验了血之后对我们说,孩子的血小板数很低。我不知道这个词是什么意思,也没带字典。

“他只有1万7,”护士说。“正常的应该在15万以上。”她建议我们立刻去北京儿童医院做更多的检查。魏佳是在北京城里的医院出生的,但是那之后他就再也没去过首都。去北京的路上,他一直很安静,仿佛感觉到重要的事情在发生。一到医院,我就感觉到似乎每个人都在盯着我们——一个显然是老外,另外两个显然是农民。魏子淇穿了一件保安制服——男性农民的常见装束——他儿子穿着肮脏的绿色运动服。他的布鞋露出了脚趾。

我们去排队验另一次血。那儿有大概三十个孩子,看上去都是城里的小孩——他们是中国城市一胎生育政策的产物。随着生活水平的上升,对独生子女的溺爱已经取代了传统的严格教育。在医院,大多数孩子都由父母共同陪伴而来,祖父母同来的情形也不少见。成年人在队列中争吵,推搡着;孩子们在一旁抱怨,哭闹。在我的脚边,一个孩子吐了一地。在验血区,一个小女孩溜出队列去摆弄一盒试管和载玻片。“别动!”护士叫喊着,拍开孩子的手。墙上的标语写着:“有您的合作和我们的经验,我们会照顾好您的小宝贝。”

终于轮到魏佳了,他的脸扭曲着,看上去快要哭了。“老实点!”魏子淇严厉地说。孩子立刻安静下来。验血结束,他还在发抖。

值班大夫穿着件肮脏的白大褂,一脸疲惫。他建议给孩子吃维生素C,在家休息即可。我把他们送回三岔,又回到我在北京的住处,已是一天半之后,此时我才有机会在字典上查到血小板是什么意思。

我上网搜索有低血小板和瘀伤症状的儿童疾病,白血病不停出现。慌乱之中,我给在美国的三个医生朋友发了邮件,信中附上魏佳的验血结果。

邮件回复在第二天早上到来。三个朋友都说白血病看上去不太可能;每个人都猜测可能是一种叫做ITP的症状——免疫血小板减少性紫癜。ITP是一种原因不明的疾病,在儿童中很少持续发作;通常如果病人饮食和休息很好,会在两个月之内自动痊愈。但是魏佳的血小板数量太低了,可能会引发脑出血。“我会给他注射类固醇或免疫球蛋白,”一个医生写道。另一个快要从新泽西的医学院毕业的朋友Eileen Kavanagh这么回复:“让我最不能接受的是他们居然不把他留在医院继续观察。”

我往三岔打电话,是曹春梅接的。“他挺好,”她说,“不过半个小时以前他开始不停地流鼻血。”她把电话给了丈夫。

“只要躺着就没事,”魏子淇说。“一坐起来就又开始流了。”

“他应该去医院,”我说。“医生犯了个错误。”

我已经给咪咪打了电话,她开始找朋友联系更好的医院。但是三岔唯一的交通工具是魏家的摩托车,孩子的身体状况显然无法接受。我告诉魏子淇我会开咪咪的车过来接他们。

魏子淇和我都是在鸡年1969年6月出生的,彼此生日只相隔两周。在三岔的一个晚上,我们聊到各自高中时的经历。高中是魏子淇的最高学历。在比较了我们进入每个年级的年份之后,魏子淇狡猾地看着我,“你是不是留级了?”他问。

彼时是1974年,我的父母当时称之为“被耽误了”,他们总是强调那是因为我个子不够大而不是我笨——五岁时,我的体重只有三十五磅。但在三岔农民的语言里没有如此委婉的说法。

“对,”我说,“我在幼儿园留了一级。”

“我就猜到你是留了一级。”魏子淇得意地笑道。他和其他的村民不太一样。他的思维更敏捷,他似乎是村里唯一意识到三岔有朝一日也会发展的人。如今的三岔呆在一条公路的尽头,在魏子淇刚出生的时候,这条路只是条土路,它从长城一处雄伟的关口穿过。1970年代,村民们把关口拆了,他们要用拆下来的石头把路修出去。路修完没多久,村里人就开始离开这里了。现在,村里不少房子空着,许多村民都是老人,他们从没有过机会去别处。尚有两个八十多岁的老太太裹着小脚。

村子的历史也快要消失了。三岔没有官修的历史文献,不过在村后的高山上,你能找到刻在石头上的寥寥几行字。在山巅附近,长城基本保存完好,因为那儿对于找石料的村民来说太远了。沿着长城向东走,你会看到一通残破的石碑躺在碎石中间。碑上的铭文记录着这段长城于万历四十三年(1615年)竣工的历史。但石碑上没有提到三岔村,村里也没人知道村子的历史始于何时。

每天早晨,阳光会穿过东面山峰的缺口,照耀在长城关口废墟的一角,那里是三岔村地势较低的部分,住的大多是阎姓村民。我们这部分位于山上更高的地方,太阳要在更晚的时候才能到达这里。这儿几乎每个人都姓魏。魏子淇相信,他的祖先是在十九世纪来到这里定居的,他们也许是从山西逃荒而来,但他不能确定。他只知道他是魏家在三岔的第五代孙。

魏子淇个子矮小,胸肌发达,他很少谈到过去;他偶尔表露的情感都朝向其他方面。他热爱三岔的自然景致;他说这是他没有搬到城里去的原因之一。如果我向他打听去山中徒步的路线,他给出的指引能表明他的世界是多么的植物化——在大松树向左拐,到了核桃林往右。有一次,他告诉我如果村民们没有拆掉长城的关口就好了,现在应该能吸引一些游客。

魏子淇是三岔村为数不多的藏书者之一。他有超过三十本书,其中有许多是大学的法律教材。对于魏子淇这样受过教育而且务实的人来说,读读法律书是当然之选。咪咪和我当初来租房子的时候,魏子淇根据他的藏书之一,《现代经济合同》,草拟出一份长达三页的手写协议。他自豪地向我们解释了这份协议的十一项条款,其中一条禁止使用房屋“贮藏违禁爆炸物”。每个月的租金约合四十美元。

魏子淇耕种着大约一英亩土地,我刚认识他时,魏家的年平均收入在五百美元左右。以当地标准来说,他们的状况很不错——他们有一辆摩托,一部电话,一台黑白电视。但他们并没有对此满意。魏子淇有一个笔记本,他称之为“信息”。“信息”包括了简单的手绘地图,以及当地海拔、季节温度统计数据之类。其中一页上,他给自己未来要开的旅游公司想了十个名字,包括山和,乐村和甜水园别墅(三岔的山泉很出名)。其他几页上还写着长长的宣传广告草稿:“如果每户人家出一小部分钱,大开发商来投资,我们就能把我们的村庄变成游客的天堂,他们可以在这里观察植物,攀登长城,品味农家饭。”

2002年,魏子淇在怀柔印了自己第一盒名片。他选了个谦卑的名字:长城小站。名片的背面邀请游客“回到过去,回到大自然”。最近几年,一方面是农村人口的迁移不断加速,而拥有汽车的中上阶层北京居民已经开始热爱乡间旅行了。

2002年的夏天,几乎每个周末都有人摸到三岔村,他们通常是无意中经过。当看到魏子淇手绘的广告牌立在路边,他们通常会去他家盘桓片刻,吃上一顿曹春梅做的饭。魏子淇对我说,如果能在城里打广告,他的收入会是现在的三倍。

他喜欢跟咪咪和我交谈,他经常会问我们在美国生活的情形。他对我手无任何机电修理能力感到好笑,同时他很高兴我是一名作家。村里的其他人也很感兴趣;有时当我从电脑旁转过身去,会发现一个农民站在我的房间里,全神贯注地盯着我。在三岔串门,没有人会敲门。

我停下车,直接进了屋。魏佳躺在炕上,脸色苍白,鼻孔周围是已经干透颜色变深的血迹。我用手摸他的额头,他没说话。

“太麻烦你了,”曹春梅说。她是个身材魁梧的短发女人,脸上总是挂着可爱的笑容。不过现在她的脸拉长着;在电话里她告诉我她的儿子好像发烧了。

“吃点中饭不?”她客气地说。

“我吃过了,”我说,“现在就走吧。”

曹春梅拿了一套换洗衣服和一卷手纸装进米老鼠书包。他们已经决定由她留下看家,直到魏佳住进医院。魏子淇把他抱下山,放进汽车的后座。孩子横躺着,头枕着他父亲的大腿。

从村里出来的路崎岖曲折。我开得很慢,以免颠簸得太厉害。十分钟之后,魏佳说他觉得难受,于是我停在路边。他发出作呕的声音,但是什么也没吐出来。刚一坐起身,他的鼻孔里就滴下两道鲜血。魏子淇用手纸把血擦去。我们继续上路。

秋天是中国北方最好的季节。这一天天色晴好。农民已经开始收获今年的最后一轮庄稼:大豆,他们正在路旁摔打着干草一样的豆荚。驶上大路之前,我们还要开一个小时的山路,我试图通过关注细节来保持冷静。我们来到九渡河——桥上漆成橘黄色的栏杆,河畔拦腰涂了白灰的白杨树。在黑山寨,我们不得不再次停车;这次孩子吐了。我们从最远处最后一道蓝色山脉那里一路下山,终于抵达平原,到了埋葬明朝皇帝们的地方。我们驶过明朝第五任皇帝宣德陵前褪色的黄屋顶,传说他曾经亲手用弓箭射杀过三个蒙古人。接着经过的是他爷爷永乐皇帝的坟墓,这位伟大的君主在1421年把首都从南京迁到了北京。刚过了这座陵墓,魏子淇让我再次把车停下。

孩子呕出些东西,有气无力地说他要去厕所。我不能确定这其中有多少是因晕车而起——在不习惯汽车旅行的乡村居民中间,晕车是很常见的毛病。魏子淇给儿子脱了裤子,他开始腹泻。此时他非常苍白,眼睛里失去了神采。汽车的后座上堆满了沾血的手纸。

“我们得继续赶路,”我说。

“让他休息一下,”魏子淇说。我们站在一处刚收获的苹果园旁边的排水沟里;去十三陵的旅行巴士从身边流水般驶过。我很好奇是否有人在车上看到了这副景象:一辆打着双蹦的车停在路边,父亲抱着儿子。秋天鲜明的光线里果实落尽的树木。司机站在水沟里,等着。

魏佳在接下来的一周里都在发烧。咪咪把他安排在北医三院的儿童病房,这里的血液病专家据说很好。到了第五天,魏佳的体温升到了华氏104度,血小板跌到1万5以下——如果再低,极有可能脑出血。

咪咪和我每天都去医院探视,基本上由她负责和医生打交道。这样比较安全——她讲中文比我要好,看起来也不像一个外国人。尽管如此,对付医务人员仍然有困难。我们刚刚从三岔开过来抵达医院,一名护士就粗暴地通知我们魏子淇不能在医院陪床,因为医院规定只有“女同志”才能在住院部过夜。咪咪恳求她第一晚破个例,因为魏家住得实在太远,但护士拒绝了她。最后,我只好在当天晚上再次驱车四个小时到三岔把曹春梅接过来。中国医院素有虐待农民的声誉。

每次来探视,咪咪和我都会察看对孩子的护理过程。我们建议魏佳的父母,如果可能的话尽量避免给孩子输血。中国的血液供应不安全;自愿捐血者太少,血库主要依靠卖血人的血。验血程序各地、各血库都有不同。估计中国有一百万人感染了HIV,在北京以南的河南省,因为献血者传染,情况尤其严重。即使是在北京这样的城市,医院也通常依靠更便宜也更不可靠的抗体测试来检验血液的质量,而不是发达国家的血库使用的分子诊断法。

探视过后的晚上,我经常给我在美国的医生朋友发邮件问些问题。第七天早晨,北京的医生做了一次白血病骨髓化验。化验刚结束,魏子淇打电话给我,向我借八千块钱。医生决定要给孩子输血,这笔钱要提前支付。在中国,大多数农民都没有医疗保险,但魏家做出了一项非常之举,在他们的儿子进幼儿园的时候,他们给他买了一份保险。保险公司将会支付医院账单的一半左右,但这笔钱只能在事后拿到。

那天咪咪正要准备出门旅行,于是我独自一人去了医院。我到的时候,魏佳正在熟睡。他的母亲告诉我他的嘴里也开始流血了。在魏子淇的陪同下,我向值班医生介绍了自己。我问她输血是否必需。

“这是谁?”她尖声对魏子淇说。“他为什么要问?”

“他是个作家,”魏子淇骄傲地说。

“我是一个朋友,我解释过了,”我很快地说,“对于我们应该做什么我有一些问题想问。”

“这和他没关系!”医生对魏子淇说,“你们是父母,你们对孩子负责。没他什么事。”

“我只是想确定我们做出了正确的决定,”我说。

“我们已经做决定了!”我以为医务人员会对我耐心些,因为我在关心一个中国儿童。但是现在他们都在盯着我:三个护士和两个医生,全是女性。

“我应该找谁谈?”我说,但是女人们不理我。我有重复了一遍——沉默。最后,其中一个护士小声说了句什么,其他人大笑起来。我感到我的脸涨红了。

“这很简单,”我说,“因为是我出钱,我必须在付钱之前明白他为什么需要输血。”

其中一个姓赵的中年女医生转过头,“他需要免疫球蛋白,”她简短地说。“如果得不到免疫球蛋白,他可能会因为内出血导致脑损伤。现在他的口腔已经开始出血了。我们知道怎么做,你什么也不懂。”

“我在试着尽可能的理解,”我说,“如果你说得慢一点会更好。我问这些问题只是因为我关心这个孩子。”

“如果你关心,就让我们给他输血。”

我问她是否应该等化验报告回来再决定更好,但赵医生说化验室太慢了。最后我问道,免疫球蛋白会不会因为感染疾病而有风险。

“当然有风险!”她说,“它可能感染了HIV或者肝炎或者别的什么!”

“他们难道不验血吗?”我问。

“你不可能彻底化验,”她说。

“我认为是可能的,事实上。”

“相信我吧,不可能!”

“这血是从哪来的?”

“我怎么知道?”她已经几乎是在喊了。我和魏子淇一起退出了房间。我对他说我最关心的是血液的来源,他冷静地点了点头。

我用手机给一个我认识的美国人打电话,她在北京做医药行业,她知道有一家当地的采血机构按照国际标准验血。跟那家机构通过话之后,她打回来告诉我说,他们愿意以378美元的价格卖一管干净血液给我。他们会把血送过来,但是我必须先保证医院能够接受它。

我做了个深呼吸,走回医务人员办公室。“很抱歉再次打扰你,”我对赵医生说。“如果我们找到保证干净的血液,我们可以使用它吗?”

“北京就没有保证干净的血液,”她说。

我告诉她那家机构做了彻底的HIV检验。

“没有那样的检验,”她说。

听起来这像一个谎言,但我意识到她的意思其实是“没办法”。我说,“如果我向他们购买干净血液,他们把血送过来,我们可以用吗?”

“我们不会接受的!”她大喊道,“这违反了医院的规定。你以为你是谁?”

我又一次退了出来。当时我并没有意识到,赵医生其实是对的——此种血液买卖完全违法。我的美国朋友也没有意识到。在中国,实用主义经常会模糊法规的界限,一个外国人到头来发现自己在灰色地带做交易,当时还浑然不觉。我又打了个电话给那个美国朋友,问她是否有别的主意。

“我认识一些在你那个医院工作过的中国医生,”她说,“我去让他们查一下血液的来源,然后打给你。”

我在病房里和魏佳的父母一起等着。在过去一周里这一切发生的时候,他们始终保持着完全的冷静:没有眼泪,没有提高说话的音量。在三岔的生活让他们明白,你能控制和理解的事情是有限的。在我和赵医生发生争吵的时候,魏子淇一直站在我背后,好像这事与他无关。他对我在美国的医生朋友有很深的敬意。

病房里唯一的装饰是一只有米老鼠和唐老鸭图案的挂钟。房间里还有另外两个病人:一个心脏有问题的少年,和一个患肾病的八岁孩子。肾病治疗中使用了大剂量的激素,从6月到现在,这个八岁孩子的体重增加了百分之五十。他身体的每个部分,尤其是脸,都显得变形肿胀。我的电话响了。

“好消息,”电话里说道。她告诉我给魏佳治病的这家医院和她认识的那家机构用的是同一个血库。“他们从来没出过HIV阳性的病例。血库到现在为止是安全的。”

我临时想起打电话给一个在旧金山的医生朋友,但打过去只有电话留言。我盯着手机看。“我想应该可以了,”我终于对魏子淇说。

我们下楼到医院的收银处交钱。收银员坐在窗户后面,到处都是钱:桌上摆得到处是,点钞机里不断往外吐,最后成捆地码放整齐。我从包里拿出一厚沓现金。收银员一言不发,把钱扔进点钞机。注射了免疫球蛋白之后,魏佳的体温开始下降,两天之内,他的血小板水平恢复到正常,并且在这一周剩下的时间里一直保持正常。骨髓化验没有查出白血病;医生最后的诊断结论是ITP。过了五天,一群魏佳的亲戚来看望他了。

一共来了四个男人:魏佳的姥爷,大爷,叔叔和一个名叫李子文的远房表哥。李子文从村里参了军,几年前复员后搬到城里去了。其余三个男人都来自乡下。魏佳的大爷告诉我,他已经有将近30年没来过北京了。

人们围拢在魏佳的病床前。姥爷曹继富把手搭在孩子的悲伤,轻声和他说着话。这突如其来的关心让魏佳变得害羞,他在床头沉默地坐着。床单上还沾着验血时留下的血迹。

10分钟以后,有人提议去吃午饭。李子文从兜里掏出一叠钞票,扔在病床上。

“给孩子用吧,”他说。

魏子淇想把钱还回去,但是李拒绝了。他们温和地争执了一分钟,最后魏点头称谢。

叔叔和姥爷也从善如流。最后是大爷。他比其他人更穷一些,他掏出的那叠钱里还有十块和二十的。钞票在床单上码成颜色鲜明的四沓。孩子看起来非常瘦小,他把身体向后倾斜,远离那些钞票。一阵尴尬的沉默,终于有人再次提起了午饭。曹春梅把钱推离了视线,藏在孩子的枕头下面。人们鱼贯出屋。

我们去了街对面的餐馆。魏子淇仔细地研究着菜单。服务员拿过来一瓶白酒,他仔细地检查了瓶盖。“你能保证这酒不是假的么?”

服务员看上去有些惊讶。“我觉得肯定是真的,”她说,“但是我也不能保证。”

魏子淇退回了那瓶酒,以及服务员拿来的第二瓶。终于,第三瓶令他感到满意。菜上来的时候,他评价道,铁板牛肉做得不是很好。他仔细地检查了每道菜。我一时难以相信,这个人就是在医院里为他儿子争吵的时候一言不发的那个人。但是,作为一个农民,魏子淇了解食物;他是餐馆里的专家。

男人们不停地喝酒。姥爷的脸是最先变红的。他站起身,向我正式地敬酒:“我们很感激你为魏佳所作的一切。”

每个人都干了一杯。魏子淇跟大家讲了我们来北京路上的故事,大家开始谈论孩子的身体。魏子淇转过头来。

“你知道么,”他安静地说,“一路上我吓坏了。”我告诉他我也是。

冬天是三岔最安静的季节。没有庄稼;除了些许剪枝的活计,果园里也没什么事情可做。村里人经常睡到10点才起床,一天改吃两顿饭。一切都慢了下来。

整个冬天大部分时间,魏佳都待在家里。有两个月他几乎没出屋门,他的父母细心地照顾着他的饮食。医生给他开了一个月剂量的类固醇。中间有一段时间,魏佳很爱哭闹——他父母说这是在医院里跟他的病友,那个得了肾病的城里孩子学的。只要魏佳开始哭,父母就嘲笑他,于是他很快就停止了。一个冬天他的体重增加了九磅。他的父亲教他写一些简单的汉字,他们还一起听英语磁带。

魏子淇在这个冬天里很忙碌。他扩建了自家的晒台和房子,为夏天的游客做准备。他又印了一盒新名片。客栈的名字从长城小站变成了长城驿站。魏子淇买了一部手机;这里的山太高了,手机在村里没有信号,但是他能在怀柔用它,现在他在怀柔待的时间越来越多——见人,买建材。他花三十块买了一双黑皮鞋,这双鞋只有去城里的时候才穿。鞋盒子被妥善地保存在家中,上面印着鞋的品牌:“意大利”。这一年的晚些时候,政府同意给傻子发补助金了。

冬天里,我回了趟美国。一个朋友问我是否准备给魏佳做一次HIV检查。我想我绝不会这么做,因为我不信任医院,同时他的父母也会觉得很奇怪。随着我走过的每一步——从美国到北京,从北京到村里——曾经熟悉的原则逐渐失效。像所有人一样,危机来临的时候我只是临场作出反应。不过,当危机过去,我有时会感觉到一阵空虚,让我意识到自己是在一个远离家乡的地方,这不是我的村庄,不是我的孩子。

清明,咪咪和我又回到三岔。四月的第一个星期,杏树已经开始开花;一道淡淡的粉红色浸染了低处的山丘。清明是中国人纪念死者的节日,人们用祭扫祖先坟墓的方式来庆祝。在乡间,这一天也标志着农忙时节的开始。在三岔村,只有成年男子能参加扫墓。我们在黎明时醒来,向村子后面的山里进发。

每座坟只不过是一抔黄土而已,村民们把新土培在坟上。咪咪在拍照——因为她是外人,所以被允许参加了。坟墓整齐地根据世系排列成行,魏子淇从坟地最后面的孤坟开始。“这是老祖”,他一边说,一边把新土铲上坟头。我问他老祖的名字,魏子淇耸了耸肩,“我从来没听人说起过,”他说。“但它是第一个埋在这儿的人。”

挨着老祖的那行坟墓属于他的曾祖一辈,接下来是祖父辈。男人们一边闲聊一边工作,方式是互助性的:每个人都特别仔细地照顾自己祖先的坟,但也会给所有的坟都添一把土。培土之后,他们烧纸钱给死者享用。那些钞票和官方的钱币很像,只不过发钞行的名字用英文写着:“天堂银行有限公司”。

这块墓地已经没有地方容纳魏子淇父辈的坟墓了。我们下了山,来到一小块农田旁边他父母的坟地。魏子淇仔细地检查着路上撒着的一团动物毛发。

“兔子,”他说,“可能被老鹰得着了。”

走在路上,我问魏子淇他父亲是什么样的。

“他是个农民,”魏子淇回答得很简单。

我继续追问他,父亲给他留下印象最深的是什么。

“他喜欢打牌,”魏子淇说。我们继续下山。过了一会儿,他说,“我记得我父亲脾气不好。”那天晚上,在魏家的晚饭接近尾声的时候,一个邻居跑过来说他孙子发高烧了。他们想从山谷里下到20分钟路程之外的沙峪,那儿有一家小诊所。

我同意开车带他们去,我们挤进了那辆我租来的车。魏子淇坐在副驾驶位,魏佳坐在他腿上。生病的是个四岁的男孩,叫黄宏宇,他和爷爷奶奶一起坐在后排。在诊所里,医生给孩子做了检查。他说没什么大事,然后准备给孩子打针。

“我有个主意,”我把魏佳拉到门外,对他说,“你想不想开汽车?”

我坐在方向盘后面,把他放在膝上。我们开走的时候,诊所里的孩子刚好开始尖叫。

“我打针的时候不哭,”魏佳说。

我们在村子里兜了一圈,回来的时候,其他人已经准备好离开了。黄宏宇已经安静下来,两位老人也因为医生的话放心了许多。回三岔的半路上,我再次让魏佳坐在我的腿上。我们在山路上盘旋的时候,他紧紧地抓着方向盘。坐在后排的孩子晕车了,开始呕吐。

“要停车吗?”我问。

“不用,”孩子的爷爷说。他来的时候已经准备了塑料袋。

我摇下车窗继续前行。我们来到三岔村山脚下的部分,魏佳把身体向前探过去,以便看得更清楚。灯光在村庄里投下柔和的橘黄色光线,高处,山顶联成一道黑墙,墙外是繁星和巨大的虚空。后座上的孩子已经停止呕吐。我不停地告诉自己,孩子们都好,我们马上到家。

translation © rhizome

  • KK

    2008-02-09 17:50:59 KK

    原文:

    Letter from China
    Kindergarten
    Peter Hessler
    The New Yorker
    April 5, 2004

    http://www.newyorker.com/archive/2004/04/05/040405fa_fact_hessler

    The night before his first day of kindergarten, Wei Jia refused to talk about it. He was five years old, and he had spent the summer playing in Sancha, wearing nothing but a dirty tank top and a pair of underpants. Sancha is a small village in the mountains north of Beijing, and, along with a Chinese-American friend named Mimi Kuo, I rent a weekend house there from Wei Jia’s relatives. The village is home to around a hundred and fifty peasants, who make their living primarily from orchards. That Sunday evening, while we were eating dinner, I asked Wei Jia if he was excited about going to school the next day. He ignored the question.

    Earlier in the day, Mimi and I had made the two-hour drive from Beijing. It was the first week of September, and the walnuts had come into season; peasants carried long sticks that they used to knock the nuts onto the ground. Along the road we saw dozens of men, some on bicycles, their sticks poised as if for a joust. We also passed a topless elderly woman. Her silver hair was well groomed, and she walked at a determined pace. I pulled over to the side of the road. “Leave me alone!” the woman shouted when Mimi stepped out of the car. “There’s nothing wrong!” Tears shined on her cheeks; she clutched her
    shirt in one hand. When the woman stormed past, we could see fresh bruises across her back.

    We drove a bit farther and tried again. She began screaming the moment Mimi opened the door. “I’m not going back there!” the woman shouted. “I’m not going back!” She veered out into the road, causing an oncoming car to slow down. Perhaps in the next village there would be somebody who knew her and would help. It was only two miles; surely she would make it that far. This kind of thing happens in the countryside, and sometimes an outsider’s attempt to help only does more harm. “Mei
    banfa,” the Chinese say—nothing can be done.

    At seven o’clock the following morning, we left for school. Wei Jia wore khaki trousers and a red T-shirt. I had given him a new Mickey Mouse backpack, and his mother had put a pencil box in one of the pockets. Inside the box was a single pencil. The pencil was newly sharpened; the trousers still had a crease. It was the first time I had ever seen Wei Jia in clean clothes.

    I’d known the boy’s family since 2001, when Mimi and I began spending time in Sancha. I went to the village because it was quiet—there were no restaurants, no shops, no bus service. When I sat at my desk to write, I usually heard only the sounds of rural life: the bray of a mule, the wind in the walnut trees. Three or four times a week, a flatbed truck rumbled up the hill to sell basic groceries. Twice a day, in the morning and just before sunset, the government propaganda speakers on the telephone poles screeched to life. Village announcements, national news, Communist Party slogans—all of it echoed off the valley’s high rock walls.

    But rarely in Sancha did I hear the sound of children playing. The local elementary school closed years ago, because young families tended to move away; all across China, peasants have been leaving rural areas for the economic opportunity of the cities. The few families that remained in Sancha were small, because of the government’s planned-birth policies, and the children attended schools in the more heavily populated villages down in the valley, ten miles away, where they either boarded or lived with relatives.

    That year, Wei Jia was the only kindergartner from Sancha. He was going to live with his grandparents in Xingying, a village with an elementary school. On the morning of his first day, Mimi drove the car and the boy sat on my lap, in the front seat. Wei Ziqi, his father, and Cao Chunmei, his mother, rode in the back. Between them sat Wei Ziqi’s older brother—the Idiot.

    Once, I asked Cao Chunmei what the Idiot’s real name was, but she didn’t know. Everybody simply called him the shazi, which means “idiot.” He was in his forties. Most villages in China seem to have a shazi or two from that generation, because in the past the peasant diet often lacked iodine. A pregnant woman who does not consume enough iodine runs the risk of bearing a mentally handicapped child. Nowadays, the widespread distribution of iodized salt has dramatically reduced such birth defects in rural China.

    Generally, the Idiot seemed as happy as anybody in Sancha. He ate well, and he spent his days on the Weis’ front porch, high on the mountain. From the porch one could see for miles: the tile-roofed village, the winding road, the ruined traces of the Great Wall atop the mountain peaks. These were the boundaries of the Idiot’s world. He couldn’t do much work in the fields, and he couldn’t talk. Whenever he wanted to say something, he contorted his face with such passion that it seemed as if the power of speech had fled precisely at that moment and he was just beginning to grapple with its loss. But in fact he had never spoken. The villagers ignored his attempts to communicate.

    This was the first time I had seen the Idiot leave Sancha, and I asked Wei Ziqi why he was coming with us. “We have a little problem to take care of at the government office,” he said.

    Wei Jia leaned forward with both hands on the dashboard as we drove out of the village. He rarely got to ride in an automobile, and the experience for him was anything but passive. At every turn, I felt him edging toward the windshield, trying to see what was around the bend. He lurched forward whenever we reached the crest of a hill. I have never seen a child’s car seat in China, and I was keenly aware of the fact that I should put Wei Jia in the back; but it would have broken his heart. And so I held him tightly.

    We came down from the mountains, past the freshly cut stalks of wheat and corn in the valley. The men with sticks were going at the walnuts; husks crunched beneath our tires. Children walked along the road. “See, they have backpacks, too,” Cao Chunmei said. “They’re going to school just like you.” Wei Jia’s arms were stiff against the dash.

    As we approached Bohai Township, Wei Ziqi asked Mimi to stop at the government office. Then he explained why the Idiot had come along. “The government is supposed to pay a monthly fee to help us take care of him,” he said. “That’s the law. I’ve asked the Party Secretary in Sancha about it, but she hasn’t helped. So the only thing to do is to come here ourselves. I’ll ask them to pay the fee now, and if they don’t, then I’ll leave the Idiot until they’re willing to pay it. It’s their responsibility.”

    “You’re going to leave him at the government office?” Mimi asked.

    “Yes,” Wei Ziqi said. “It’s the only way to get their attention.”

    Mimi asked how much the monthly fee should be.

    “Fifty yuan at the very least,” Wei Ziqi said. It was the equivalent of about six dollars.

    We parked outside the government compound. In front, there was a sculpture consisting of a shiny steel ball and an enormous twisted rod. Many of the local townships had recently erected sculptures in a similar style, accompanied by slogans intended to inspire images of modernity and prosperity. The Bohai Township slogan was “The Star of the Century.” The sculpture was hideous. Wei Ziqi walked through the gate, followed by his brother. The Idiot’s face had been blank all morning.

    Wei Jia kept his hands on the dash. Five minutes later, his father returned. He was alone. We kept driving.

    Wei Jia was the smallest five-year-old I have ever known. His mother often worried about his health; he was a finicky eater, and he weighed only thirty pounds. Four-year-olds towered over him; a child of three was often nearly as big. Wei Jia’s mind was sharp, but he had a speech impediment, and even his parents had difficulty understanding him. Yet he had a wiry strength, and his sense of balance was remarkable.

    For the last year, he had been allowed to roam free in the village, and he moved easily along the mountain paths above his home. It was impossible to wear him out. He almost never cried. His capacity for roughhousing was infinite: it was as if the toughness and dexterity of a nine-year-old had been squeezed into a three-year-old’s body. Over time, he came to call me Mogui Shushu (Uncle Monster), a play on the traditional term of respect used by Chinese children for adults. I was the first foreigner he had ever met.

    Wei Jia’s face was a perfect oval. His hair was cropped short, and his eyes glowed with mischief. But his parents could set him straight at a moment’s notice. They avoided praising him—like traditional Chinese parents, they had a deep fear of flattery. Partly it was modesty, but there was also the superstition that pride would attract misfortune.

    Occasionally, if I wanted to annoy Mimi with my Western ways, I would relentlessly praise the boy to Cao Chunmei: “Wei Jia is so good-looking.”

    “He’s ugly,” his mother would say immediately.

    “He’s so smart.”

    “He’s stupid. Not a bit smart.”

    “What a nice child.”

    “Cut it out,” Mimi said, in English.

    “He’s a bad boy,” the mother said.

    The only praise that I ever heard the parents give Wei Jia was a single adjective: laoshi. The dictionary defines it as “honest,” but the term is difficult to translate. It also means obedient, as well as having a certain sense of propriety that is characteristic of people in the countryside. “Wei Jia is laoshi,” his parents would say, and that was the closest they came to pride.

    We parked by the back gate of the Xingying Elementary School. A teacher greeted us and led us inside. Wei Jia’s face was blank. He walked into the classroom, stopped dead, and announced, loudly, “This place is no good!” His parents tried to grab him, but he squirmed free and ran out the door. He was crying now, rushing back through the gate to the car. “I’m going home!” he said. “I don’t want to be here!”

    His mother followed him. The other children looked up and then lost interest. The classroom was dirty, and there was a hole in the ceiling. The blackboard was chipped and scarred. Twenty children sat at their desks; each of them played with a pile of Lego-like blocks. There were only three girls. Bohai isn’t strictly a one-child township—like many parts of China that are mountainous and less populated, this area allows peasants in some villages to have a second child if the first is a girl. But it’s not unusual in China for people to bribe doctors for ultrasound information, which is restricted by law. Locals told me that the majority of babies born in Xingying are boys.

    Outside, Wei Jia stood in the dust beside the car, crying. He struggled against anybody who tried to lead him back into the school. Usually, Wei Ziqi is strict with his son, but he seemed to sympathize with this fear, and now he tried to reason with him. “Everybody goes to school,” Wei Ziqi said patiently. “I did, and so did your mother. Aunt Mimi went to school, and so did Uncle Monster.”

    The schoolyard’s loudspeakers crackled, and music came on for the flagraising. The older children, wearing the red kerchiefs of the Young Pioneers, marched in place while the national anthem played. Wei Jia’s face was creased with panic. Until now, he had never seen more than a handful of children together at once.

    It took nearly forty-five minutes to calm him down. His father carried him into the classroom; his mother sat him down behind a desk. After ten minutes, he made another move for the door, but this time they caught him. He cried again, another hard burst, and then he calmed down. Resignation furrowed his forehead.

    We left as quietly as we could. I asked Wei Ziqi where the bathroom was, and he told me just to use the schoolyard fence on the way out. I could hear the children’s voices—talking, laughing, chanting lessons—while I pissed in the weeds. We had been at the school for almost an hour. The car seemed empty on the way home.

    That day, the Idiot escaped twice from the government office. The first time, the cadres caught him just outside the gate. The second time, he made it into Bohai Township. It took a while for them to find him.

    The officials telephoned Wei Ziqi and told him to pick up his brother; Wei Ziqi requested the subsidy. Neither side would budge, and finally, late in the afternoon, the cadres put the Idiot in a car and drove into the mountains. They dropped him off two miles outside Sancha. It was a steep climb, and the Idiot was not accustomed to such distances; he was fortunate to find his way back.

    I heard all of this later, from Wei Ziqi, who was more or less satisfied with the exchange. The county government—a higher level than the township—had agreed to review the issue of the subsidy.

    The next time I visited Sancha, the Idiot greeted me with an enormous grin and pointed at my parked automobile. He kept grunting and gesturing. I realized that he was telling the story of our trip into the valley. “I know,” I said. “I remember.” I wanted to tell him that I hadn’t understood that situation until it was too late—mei banfa. But there was no way to communicate my regret, and the Idiot continued his gestures. He seemed thrilled to see me again.

    During the National Day school holiday, Wei Jia returned home with a series of purple bruises across his legs and back. It was the first week of October, and the corn had come into season; the Weis had piled their harvested crop on the porch. Wei Jia spent an afternoon playing on it. Afterward, his parents noticed that the bruises had darkened. They decided that the boy should see a doctor.

    Mimi and I had come to Sancha for the holiday, and I offered to drive Wei Jia and his father down to Huairou, the nearest city. From the mountains, Huairou is roughly halfway to Beijing, and in recent years it has grown from a small town into a satellite city of the capital. At the hospital, a nurse performed a blood test and told us that the boy’s xuexiaoban count was low. I was unfamiliar with the term, and I didn’t have my dictionary.

    “His count is only seventeen thousand,” the nurse said. “It should be more than a hundred and fifty thousand.” She recommended that we immediately go to the Children’s Hospital in Beijing for further tests. Wei Jia had been born at a hospital in the capital, but this was his first time back. He was quiet during the drive to Beijing, as if sensing that something important was happening. Once we arrived at the hospital, I felt as if everybody was staring at us—the obvious foreigner, the obvious peasants. Wei Ziqi wore a surplus security-guard-uniform vest—it’s a common garment for men in the countryside—and the boy was dressed in a filthy green sweatshirt. His cloth shoes had holes in the toes.

    We joined a line for another blood test. There were about thirty other children, and all of them looked like city kids—pampered products of China’s urban one-child policy, which, along with rising living standards, has undermined the traditional strictness in child-rearing. At the hospital, most children were accompanied by both parents, and often at least two grandparents as well. The adults bickered and shoved in the queue; the children whined and cried. Near my feet, a small child vomited on the floor. Inside the lab area, a little girl slipped out of the line to tinker with a tray of test tubes and slides. “Stop that!” a nurse shouted, slapping the child’s hand. A sign on the wall proclaimed, “With Your Coöperation and Our Experience, We Will Take Good Care of Your Precious.”

    When Wei Jia’s turn finally came, his face twisted as if he were going to cry. “Be laoshi!” Wei Ziqi said firmly, and the boy calmed down. But he was shaking after the blood test was finished.

    The doctor on duty—dressed in a dirty white coat, with a look of exhaustion on his face—recommended Vitamin C and said that the boy just needed to rest at home. It wasn’t until almost a day and a half later, after I had taken them back to Sancha and then returned to my apartment in Beijing, that I was able to look up xuexiaoban in the dictionary: “platelet.”

    I went online and searched for childhood diseases with low platelet counts and bruising. Leukemia kept coming up. In a panic, I sent e-mails to three doctor friends in the United States, copying Wei Jia’s blood-test printout.

    The e-mails arrived early the next morning. All three doctors said that leukemia seemed unlikely; independently, they all guessed that it was a condition known as ITP—immune thrombocytopenic purpura. ITP is a disease with unknown causes which is rarely chronic in children; generally, if the patient rests and eats well, it resolves itself within two months. But Wei Jia’s platelet count was so dangerously low that there was a risk of bleeding in the brain. “I’d give him steroids or immune globulin,” one doctor wrote. My friend Eileen Kavanagh, who was then finishing medical school in New Jersey, responded, “The thing that bothers me the most is that they didn’t put him in the hospital to figure all of this out.”

    I telephoned Sancha, and Cao Chunmei answered. “He’s been fine,” she said. “But for the last half hour he’s had a nosebleed that won’t stop.” She put her husband on the phone.

    “He’s O.K. as long as he’s lying down,” Wei Ziqi said. “But if he sits up it starts bleeding again.”

    “He should be in the hospital,” I said. “The doctor made a mistake.”

    I had already called Mimi, who was contacting friends in order to find a better hospital in Beijing. But the only transport available in Sancha was the Weis’ motorbike, which was too rough for the boy’s condition. I told Wei Ziqi that I’d borrow Mimi’s car and drive out to the village.

    Wei Ziqi and I had been born exactly two weeks apart, in June of 1969—the Year of the Rooster. One evening in Sancha, we discussed our educational experiences through junior high school, which represented the end of Wei Ziqi’s formal education. After comparing the years that we had entered various grades, Wei Ziqi looked at me shrewdly. “Did you flunk?” he asked.

    Back in 1974, my parents had referred to it as “being held back,” and they had always stressed that I had been undersized rather than stupid—at the age of five, I weighed only thirty-five pounds. But there was no such euphemism in the Chinese spoken by the peasants of Sancha.

    “Yes,” I said. “I flunked nursery school.”

    “I figured you must have flunked a year,” Wei Ziqi said with a grin. He was different from the other villagers. His mind was quicker, and he seemed to be the only one who realized that the path of progress might eventually return to Sancha, which stands at the terminus of a dead-end road. Back when Wei Ziqi was born, the road had been nothing more than a dirt track that passed beneath a magnificent entrance gate to the Great Wall. The villagers tore down the gate in the nineteen-seventies, because they wanted to use the stones to build a road out. Not long after they finished the road, people started to leave. Nowadays, a number of houses are uninhabited, and many residents are elderly people who never had the option of going elsewhere. There are still two women, in their eighties, with bound feet.

    Even the history of the village seems to have slipped away. There are no official ancient written records in Sancha, although one can find a few lonely paragraphs carved in stone high in the mountains. Along the peaks, which are too remote for villagers to forage in for stones, the Wall is mostly intact. If you follow it eastward, you eventually come to a cracked stone stele lying amid the rubble. The inscription notes that this section of the Wall was completed in the forty-third year of the reign of the Mingdynasty emperor Wanli—in 1615. But there is no mention of the village, and nobody in Sancha knows for certain when it was first settled.

    In the lower section of Sancha, where most residents are named Yan, the early-morning sunlight comes through a gap in the mountains and shines on the last remaining corner of the ruined entrance gate. Our part of the village is situated on a higher shelf—because of the mountains the sun doesn’t reach us until late morning. Nearly everybody here is named Wei. Wei Ziqi believes that his ancestors settled here during the nineteenth century, possibly after fleeing a famine in the northern province of Shanxi, but he isn’t certain. All he knows is that he is the fifth generation of his family to live in Sancha.

    Wei Ziqi is short and barrel-chested, and he rarely talks about the past; his few sentimental streaks run in other directions. He appreciates Sancha’s natural beauty; he says that’s one reason that he hasn’t moved to the city. If I ask about a hike in the mountains, his directions reflect how much of his world is botanical—turn left at the big pine, take a right at the walnut grove. Once, he told me that he wished the villagers hadn’t torn down the entrance gate, because it might have attracted visitors.

    Wei Ziqi is one of the few Sancha residents who collect books; he has more than thirty volumes, many of which are college texts for courses in Chinese law. For somebody like Wei Ziqi—pragmatic as well as literate—law is a natural subject of interest. When Mimi and I first rented the house, Wei Ziqi used one of his books, “Modern Economic Contracts,” to draw up a three-page handwritten agreement. He proudly explained the eleven clauses, one of which prohibited the use of the house to “store contraband explosives.” The rent was the equivalent of forty dollars a month.

    Wei Ziqi farms about an acre of land, and when I first came to know him the Wei family earned about five hundred dollars in the average year. By local standards, their situation was good—they owned a motorbike, a telephone, and a black-and-white TV. But they weren’t necessarily satisfied, and Wei Ziqi kept an old blue notebook that he referred to as his “Information.” The Information consisted of simple sketched maps, as well as statistics on local altitudes and seasonal temperatures. On one page, he had written ten potential names for a tourist business that he hoped to start in Sancha. They included Mountain Peace and Happiness Village and Sweet Water Farmyard Villa (Sancha is known for having good springwater). Other pages contained long drafts of potential advertisements: “If each household uses a small amount of money and big developers invest, we can change our village into a paradise where tourists can appreciate the plants, climb the Great Wall, and enjoy peasant family meals.”

    In 2002, Wei Ziqi had his first business cards printed up in Huairou. He settled on a humble name: A Small Post on the Great Wall. The back of the card invited tourists to “return to the simple nature of the past.” In recent years, even as rural migration accelerated, upper-class Beijing residents with cars have started taking pleasure trips to the countryside.

    By the summer of 2002, it seemed that almost every weekend somebody found his way to Sancha, usually by chance. When they saw Wei Ziqi’s hand-painted advertisement beside the road, they often stopped at his house for a meal cooked by Cao Chunmei. Wei Ziqi told me that, if he were able to advertise in the cities, he could triple his income.

    He liked talking with Mimi and me, and often he asked us about life in America. He was amused by my inability to fix even the simplest electrical or mechanical problem, and he liked the fact that I was a writer. The other villagers were also interested; sometimes I turned around from my computer and saw a peasant standing in my living room, watching in rapt enjoyment. Nobody in Sancha knocks when they visit a neighbor.

    I parked the car and walked directly inside. Wei Jia lay on the kang, the traditional northern-Chinese brick bed that can be heated by a wood fire. His face was pale, and flecks of blood had dried dark around his nostrils. He didn’t say anything when I touched his forehead.

    “It’s a lot of trouble for you,” Cao Chunmei said. She is a heavyset woman with short hair, and usually she has a lovely smile. But now her face was drawn; on the phone she had told me that her son might have a fever.

    “Will you eat some lunch?” she said politely.

    “I already ate,” I said. “I think we should go now.”

    Cao Chunmei had put a change of clothes and a roll of toilet paper in the Mickey Mouse backpack. They had decided that she would stay behind until Wei Jia was settled in the hospital. Wei Ziqi carried him down the hill and put him in the back seat of the car. The boy lay with his head in his father’s lap.

    The road from the village is steeply switchbacked, and I drove slowly, so the car wouldn’t bounce. After ten minutes, Wei Jia said that he felt sick, and I pulled over. He made gagging noises but nothing came up. As soon as he sat up, twin trails of blood trickled down from his nostrils. Wei Ziqi dabbed at them with the toilet paper. We kept driving.

    Fall is the best season in northern China, and it was a beautiful clear day. The peasants had come to the final crop of the year, the soybeans, and they were threshing the haylike stalks along the road. I knew that we had an hour of mountain driving before we reached the highway, and I tried to keep calm by concentrating on the details. We came to Nine-Crossings River—the orange-painted rails of the bridge, the white-streaked bark of the waterside poplars. At Black Mountain Stockade, we had to stop again; this time the boy vomited. There was a long descent from the last blue line of the mountains, and then we reached the plain, where the Mingdynasty emperors are buried. We passed the faded yellow roof of the tomb of Xuande, the fifth Ming ruler. According to legend, he had killed three Mongols with his own bow. Next, we drove by the tomb of his grandfather, Yongle, the great ruler who had moved the capital north from Nanjing to Beijing, in 1421. Just beyond that tomb, Wei Ziqi asked me to stop again.

    The boy spat something up and murmured that he had to go to the bathroom. I couldn’t tell how much of it was due to car sickness—it’s a common ailment among rural people, who are unaccustomed to automobile travel. Wei Ziqi took down the boy’s pants, and he produced a sickly stream of diarrhea. He was very pale now, and there was no expression in his eyes. The back of the car was strewn with bloodstained tissues.

    “I think we should keep moving,” I said.

    “Give him a minute,” Wei Ziqi said. We stood in a ditch next to a harvested apple orchard; tour buses streamed past on their way to the Ming tombs. I wondered if any tourists noticed the scene: the car with its lights flashing, the father cradling his son. The bare trees in the stark autumn light. The driver in the ditch, waiting.

    Wei Jia ran a fever for most of that week. Mimi had arranged for him to be in the children’s ward of a Beijing hospital where the blood specialists are supposed to be good. On the fifth day, Wei Jia’s temperature reached a hundred and four degrees. His platelet count dipped beneath fifteen thousand—if it went much lower, there was a serious risk of bleeding in the brain.

    Mimi and I visited daily, and she generally handled any direct interaction with the doctors. It was safer that way—her spoken Chinese was better than mine, and she didn’t look like a foreigner. Nevertheless, there had been some difficulties in dealing with the staff. When we had first arrived at the hospital, after the drive from Sancha, one of the nurses brusquely informed us that Wei Ziqi couldn’t stay with his son, because only “female comrades” are allowed to spend the night in the ward. Mimi begged for a one-night exception, because the Weis lived so far away, but the nurse refused. In the end, I had to make another four-hour drive, late that night, to pick up Cao Chunmei. Chinese hospitals have a reputation for mistreating peasants.

    Whenever we visited, Mimi and I tried to monitor the boy’s care, and we had advised the parents to avoid a transfusion, if possible. The blood supply in China isn’t safe; donors are in short supply, and the system relies primarily on people who are paid for giving blood. Testing practices vary widely from region to region, blood bank to blood bank. In China, an estimated one million people have been infected with H.I.V.; the epidemic has been particularly severe in Henan Province, just south of Beijing, because of unsanitary donor conditions. Even in cities like Beijing, hospitals usually rely on antibody tests, which are cheaper and less reliable than the molecular diagnostics used by blood banks in developed countries.

    In the evenings, after visiting the hospital, I often e-mailed my doctor friends in the United States with questions. On the morning of the seventh day, the Beijing doctors performed a bone-marrow test for leukemia. Immediately after the procedure, Wei Ziqi telephoned me and asked to borrow eight thousand yuan—nearly a thousand dollars. The doctors had decided that the boy needed a transfusion, which had to be paid for in advance. In China, most peasants have no medical insurance, but the Weis had taken the unusual step of purchasing a private policy when their son entered kindergarten. It would cover about half of his bills, but the money could be claimed only after the fact.

    That day, Mimi was preparing to leave on a trip, so I went to the hospital alone. When I arrived, Wei Jia was sleeping fitfully. His mother told me that he had been bleeding from the mouth. Accompanied by Wei Ziqi, I introduced myself to one of the doctors on duty. I asked her if the transfusion was critical.

    “Who is this?” she said sharply to Wei Ziqi. “Why is he asking questions?”

    “He’s a writer,” Wei Ziqi said proudly.

    “I’m a friend, as I just explained,” I said quickly. “I have some simple questions about what we should do.”

    “This isn’t his affair!” the doctor said to Wei Ziqi. “You’re the parents, and you have responsibility for the child. He has nothing to do with it.”

    “I just want to make sure we make the right decision,” I said.

    “The decision has already been made!” I had assumed that the hospital staff would be patient with me just because I was showing concern for a Chinese child. But now they glared at me: three nurses and two doctors, all women.

    “Who can I talk to about this?” I said, but the women ignored me. I repeated the question—silence. Finally, one of the nurses whispered something, and the others laughed. I felt my face turn red.

    “It’s very simple,” I said. “I’m paying for this. I have to know why he needs a transfusion before I pay the money.”

    One of the doctors, a middle-aged woman named Zhao, turned to me. “He needs immune globulin,” she said tersely. “If he doesn’t get it, there’s a risk that he’ll have brain damage from internal bleeding. Already he is bleeding inside his mouth. We know what to do, and you don’t understand anything about it.”

    “I’m trying to understand as much as I can,” I said. “If you speak slowly, it helps. I’m only asking these questions because I care about the boy.”

    “If you care, then let us give him the transfusion.”

    I asked if it might be better to wait for the test results to come back, but Dr. Zhao said that the lab was too slow. Finally, I asked if there was a risk that the immune globulin might be infected with a disease.

    “Of course there’s a risk!” she said. “It could be infected with H.I.V. or hepatitis or something else!”

    “Don’t they test the blood?” I asked.

    “You can’t test blood completely,” she said.

    “I think you can, actually.”

    “Believe me, you can’t!”

    “Where does the blood come from?”

    “How am I supposed to know?” She was practically shouting now. I backed out of the room with Wei Ziqi. I told him that the blood supply was my main concern, and he nodded calmly.

    I used my cell phone to call an American I knew who worked in medicine in Beijing. She was familiar with one local organization that followed international testing standards for blood. After checking with the organization, she called back to tell me they could sell a clean unit for three hundred and seventy-eight American dollars. They could have the blood delivered, but I’d have to get the hospital to accept it.

    I took a deep breath and walked back into the staff room. “I’m sorry to bother you again,” I said to Dr. Zhao. “But if we find guaranteed clean blood can we use that?”

    “There’s no guaranteed clean blood in Beijing,” she said.

    I told her that the other organization performs thorough H.I.V. tests.

    “There’s no test like that,” she said.

    It sounded like a lie, but I realized that it might simply mean mei banfa—nothing can be done. I said, “If I buy clean blood from them and have them deliver it, can we use it?”

    “We won’t accept it!” she shouted. “It’s against hospital policy. Who do you think you are?”

    I stepped outside again. At the time, I didn’t realize that Dr. Zhao was actually in the right—such a sale of blood was strictly illegal. My American contact also hadn’t known. In China, pragmatism often blurs such regulations, and a foreigner can find himself operating in shady territory without even knowing it. I called the American again to see if she had any ideas.

    “I know some Chinese doctors who used to work at your hospital,” she said. “I’ll ask them to check on the blood supply, and then I’ll call you back.”

    I waited in the hospital room with Wei Jia and his parents. During everything that had happened in the past week, they had remained completely calm: no tears, no raised voices. Life in Sancha had taught them that there were limits to what you could control and understand. During my argument with Dr. Zhao, Wei Ziqi had stood in the background, as if it were not his affair. He had a deep respect for my doctor friends in America.

    The only decoration in the hospital room was a clock featuring Mickey Mouse and Donald Duck. There were two other patients: a teen-ager with a heart problem, and an eight-year-old with an ailing kidney. The kidney treatment involved large amounts of hormones, and since June the eightyear-old’s weight had increased by fifty per cent. Everything about his body, especially his face, appeared stretched and swollen. My phone rang.

    “It’s pretty good news,” the woman said. She told me that the hospital that was treating Wei Jia used the same blood bank as the medical organization that followed international testing standards. “They haven’t ever come up with a positive for H.I.V. That blood bank has been safe so far.”

    On impulse, I tried to call a doctor friend in San Francisco, but his answering machine clicked on. I stared at my cell phone. “I think it’s O.K.,” I said finally to Wei Ziqi.

    We went downstairs to the hospital’s payment division. Clerks sat behind windows, and money was everywhere: strewn across tables, spinning in counting machines, bound into red bricks. From my bag, I took out a thick wad of cash. Without a word, the clerk tossed it into a counting machine. After the immune globulin was given, Wei Jia’s fever broke, and within two days his platelet count was back to normal. It held steady for the rest of the week. The bone-marrow examination showed no leukemia; the doctors decided that the condition was in fact ITP. Five days after the treatment, a group of Wei Jia’s relatives came to visit.

    There were four men: a grandfather, a great-uncle, an uncle, and a distant cousin named Li Ziwen, a peasant who had joined the military and then moved to the city a few years ago. The rest of the men had come in from the countryside. The great-uncle told me that he hadn’t been to Beijing in almost thirty years.

    The men gathered around Wei Jia’s hospital bed. Cao Jifu, the grandfather, put his hand on the boy’s back and spoke softly to him. But the sudden attention had made Wei Jia shy, and he sat in silence at the head of the bed. The sheets had red-brown stains on them from blood tests.

    After ten minutes, somebody mentioned lunch. Li Ziwen reached into his pocket and pulled out a wad of bills. He dropped the money onto the bed.

    “Use this for the child,” he said.

    Wei Ziqi tried to give the money back, but Li refused. For a minute, they argued gently, and then Wei nodded his head in thanks.

    The uncle was next, and then the grandfather. The great-uncle went last. He was poorer than the others, and his stack included some tens and twenties. The money lay in four bright piles on the sheets. The boy looked very small, and now he leaned back, away from the bills. There was an awkward silence, and finally somebody mentioned lunch again. Cao Chunmei pushed the money out of sight, under the boy’s pillow. The men filed out of the room.

    We went to a restaurant across the street. Wei Ziqi studied the menu intently. When the waitress brought a bottle of grain alcohol, he examined the seal. “Can you guarantee that this bottle isn’t counterfeit?”

    The waitress seemed surprised by the question. “I’m pretty sure,” she said. “But I guess I can’t say for certain.”

    Wei Ziqi sent back that bottle, and the next one as well. Finally, the third one satisfied him. When the food arrived, he commented that the ironplate beef wasn’t so good. Carefully, he monitored the dishes, and for a moment I had trouble believing that this was the same man who had stood in the background during the arguments about his son’s treatment. But, as a farmer, Wei Ziqi knew food; he was the expert at the restaurant.

    The men drank steadily. The grandfather’s face was the first to turn red with the grain alcohol. He stood up and gave me a formal toast: “We appreciate all of your help with Wei Jia.”

    Everybody downed a shot. Wei Ziqi told the story of our drive into Beijing, and the men began discussing the boy’s health. Wei Ziqi turned to me.

    “You know,” he said quietly, “I was frightened during that drive.” I told him that I had been scared, too.

    Winter is the quietest season in Sancha. There are no crops; apart from some pruning, there is little work in the orchards. The villagers often remain in bed until midmorning, and they eat two meals a day instead of three. Everything slows down.

    Wei Jia stayed home from school most of that winter. For two months, he hardly left the house, and his parents were careful with his meals. The doctors gave him a month’s worth of steroids. There was a brief period during which Wei Jia whined and cried easily—his parents said that he had learned to act this way from his neighbor in the hospital, the city boy with kidney problems. Whenever Wei Jia cried, his parents mocked him for looking ridiculous, and soon he stopped. Over the winter he gained nine pounds. His father taught him how to write some simple Chinese characters, and together they listened to English-language tapes.

    Wei Ziqi kept busy that winter. He enlarged his front porch and part of his home, to prepare for summer tourists, and he made up a new business card. The name changed from A Small Post on the Great Wall to A Post on the Great Wall. Wei Ziqi acquired a cell phone; it didn’t work in the village, because the mountains were too high, but he could use it in Huairou, where he increasingly spent time on business—meeting people, buying construction materials. For thirty yuan, he purchased a pair of black leather shoes that he reserved strictly for trips to the city. At home, he kept the shoebox in good condition. A brand name had been printed on the box: “Italy.” Later that year, the government agreed to pay the subsidy for the Idiot.

    Over the winter, I made a trip back to America, where a friend asked me if I planned to have Wei Jia tested for H.I.V. I knew that I would never suggest such a test, because I didn’t trust the hospitals, and the parents would find the request strange. With every step that I took—from the United States to Beijing, from Beijing to the village—familiar rules slipped away. Like everyone else, in a crisis I simply reacted. But after the emergency had passed I sometimes felt an emptiness that reminded me that I was far from home, and that it was not my village, not my child.

    Mimi and I returned to Sancha for Qing Ming, the Day of Clear Brightness. It was the first week of April and the apricot trees had just begun to bloom; a thin pink color was brushed across the lower hills. Qing Ming is the Chinese holiday for the dead and is celebrated by tending the tombs of ancestors. In the countryside, it also marks the start of the busy season. In Sancha, only the adult men perform the tomb-sweeping. We awoke at dawn and hiked into the hills behind the village.

    Each tomb is nothing more than a mound of dirt, and the villagers cover the piles with fresh earth. Mimi took photographs—because she was an outsider, it was fine for her to come along. The tombs were arranged in neat rows, according to generation, and Wei Ziqi started with a single mound at the back. “This is the Laozu,” he said as he shovelled dirt onto the pile. The word means “Old Ancestor.” When I asked about the dead man’s name, Wei Ziqi shrugged. “I’ve never heard it,” he said. “But he was the first one to be buried here.”

    The next line of tombs was the generation of his great-grandparents, and then he heaped dirt onto his grandparents’ grave. The men chatted idly while they worked. It was communal: a man took particular care with the tombs of his own ancestors, but everybody added a little dirt to every tomb. After the shovelling, they burned money for the dead to use in the afterlife. The bills looked like official Chinese currency, but they were labelled, in English, “The Bank of Heaven Company, Ltd.”

    The cemetery had run out of space for Wei Ziqi’s parents’ generation. We hiked down the mountain to his parents’ grave site, which was next to a small plot of farmland. Wei Ziqi paused to examine a tangle of fur that was strewn across the path.

    “Rabbit,” he said. “A hawk got it, probably.”

    As we walked, I asked him what his father had been like.

    “He was a peasant,” Wei Ziqi said simply.

    I pressed him, asking what he remembered most about his father.

    “He liked to play cards,” Wei Ziqi said. We continued down the hill. A moment later, he said, “I remember that my father had a bad temper.” That evening, I was finishing dinner with the Weis when a neighbor stopped by and said that his grandson was running a fever. He wanted to go down to the valley to Shayu, twenty minutes away, where there is a small clinic.

    I agreed to drive, and we piled into the car that I had rented for the week. Wei Jia sat on his father’s lap in the front seat. The sick child, a four-yearold named Huang Hongyu, sat in the back with his grandparents. At the clinic, a doctor examined the child. He said that the problem wasn’t serious, and he prepared to give the boy an injection.

    “I have an idea,” I said to Wei Jia, pulling him outside. “Do you want to drive the car?”

    I put him on my lap, behind the wheel. We pulled away just as the child in the clinic started screaming.

    “I don’t cry when I get a shot,” Wei Jia said.

    We made a loop around the village. By the time we returned, the rest of them were ready to leave. Huang Hongyu had calmed down, and the grandparents seemed relieved at the doctor’s words. Halfway back to Sancha, I allowed Wei Jia to sit on my lap again. He held the wheel tightly as we took the switchbacks up the mountain. The boy in the back was carsick and began to vomit.

    “Do you want me to stop?” I asked.

    “It’s not necessary,” the grandfather said. He had come prepared with plastic bags.

    I rolled down the window and kept driving. We came to the lower village, and Wei Jia leaned forward in order to see more clearly. Electric lights glowed a soft orange against the brick of the homes, and then, high above, there was a dark line where the mountains gave way to stars and the great emptiness. The boy in the back had stopped throwing up. I kept telling myself that the children were fine and we were almost home.

  • KK

    2008-02-09 17:59:48 KK

    http://www.sanchazi.com/changchengyizhan.htm

    魏子淇农家院(又名“长城驿站”)位于怀柔区渤海镇三岔民俗村水泉沟,距北京四元桥81.3公里(实际开车测量),是一家清静、优雅,适合年轻人野游、中年人健身、老年人修养的好去处。魏子淇农家眼共有客房5间,可同时接待20多人居住。房间内干净卫生,床单、被罩一客一换,标准间设有独立卫生间,24小时供应热水。普通间设有公共卫生间和淋浴房,24小时供应热水,完全能够满足您的需求。

    魏子淇农家院位于东大楼长城西侧,一般人步行约30-40分钟。东大楼长城与慕田峪、响水湖长城相连,长城雄伟壮观,是您观长城和长城摄影的好地方。

    魏子淇农家院所在的三岔村水泉沟坐落在群山之中,自然村中仅有16户人家。这里环境古朴,附近的山沟特别适合您野游、玩耍,山泉水更是甘甜可口,您来时不妨带一个大桶带一点回去。

    魏子淇农家院深受国内外游客的欢迎,这里来过’“凤凰愈加养生堂”的养生爱好者,这里来过摄影家协会的会员,这里还来过来自美国、欧洲、日本、韩国等各国的游客,他们都被这里的自然美景、万里长城、乡土气息、农家饭菜所吸引,无不留下美好的印象。

    吃:
    各种烧烤: 烧烤虹鳟鱼、烤羊腿、烤羊肉串等各种烧烤;

    各式农家饭菜:各种山野菜、花椒芽、香椿芽、天然野蘑菇、柴鸡蛋、贴饼子、菜团子、特色小米粥等。

    在农家院您可以品尝到各式农家饭菜,您还可以进行各种果品采摘,品尝山里的野猕猴桃。

    喝:
    本农家院备有各种白酒、冰镇啤酒、冰镇饮料供游客享用,还有特别调制的五子健肾强身酒公您品尝。

    玩:
    农家院距东大楼长城步行仅30分钟路程。东大楼长城未曾经过新的修复和雕琢保持着他原有的风味,是摄影爱好者进行长城摄影的好地方。

    这里有高山和原始次生林,是您健身娱乐、呼吸新鲜空气的天然大氧吧。这里宁静,是您休息的好地方,在这里您可以欣赏风景,领略长城的风采。

    住:
    地区天气凉爽,客房内干净整洁,床单、被罩一客一换,卫生间24小时供应热水。

    价格:
    标准间: 50元/日(独立卫生间)
    普通间: 10元/人/日(限团体)
    包吃包住:50元/人/日(含一日普通住宿、早中晚三餐,不含鸡鱼等大菜,不含酒水)
    包吃包住:70-90元/人/日(含一日普通住宿、早中晚三餐,含鸡鱼等大菜,不含酒水)

    交通:
    自驾车:由北京四元桥出发向北,经怀柔城区、慕田峪环岛后直行,过响水湖路口直行直洞台村,近村后右转弯100米即到。

    公交车:由北京至怀柔,换乘怀柔至洞台的中巴即可到达。

    电话:010-89602301 手机:13716246118
    联系人:魏 子 淇

  • KK

    2008-02-09 18:05:33 KK

    洋亲戚成“荣誉村民” “长城驿站”过大年

    http://news.sohu.com/2004/01/27/64/news218776499.shtml

      大年初二一大早,Mimi带着她的哥哥嫂子及在北京工作生活的美国朋友Jim Yardley(注:此人为New York Times北京通讯记者,2006普利策新闻奖得主)夫妇一家驱车回到她在长城脚下的“家”里过年,而“家里人”———魏子淇和妻子也早早在家中备好了酒菜迎接客人们的到来。

      Mimi十年前和她的父母与哥哥从美国搬回北京定居,现在她是自由摄影师,还是京城一家瑜珈学校的创办人。三年前,一次郊游中她和哥哥偶然来到了水泉沟村,村子很小,一共只有十几户人家。“那时这里的公路还没有修好,我们推着自行车一路走上来,一路上被美丽的景色深深打动了。”当时便向村里人打听,能不能租间房以便可以经常过来,恰好魏子淇家有两间空房,于是Mimi便成为了这里的“荣誉村民”。

      魏子淇说,两年前5岁的儿子魏佳的一次大病使他的生活发生了变化。上万元的住院押金曾使他感到一筹莫展,当Mimi听到了这个消息后,很快帮他们联系到了北医三院并垫付了住院押金。经过及时住院治疗,小魏佳一天天地康复起来。那时通到村里的路刚刚修好,由于村子就在长城脚下,来玩儿的人渐渐多起来。魏子淇与妻子便在自己家里办起了家庭旅馆为游客提供食宿,并给他们的家庭旅馆起了一个别致的名字———“长城驿站”。夫妻两人凭着热情细致的服务,让很多人慕名而来。“如今政府鼓励我们搞旅游发展经济,我会在五一前将新建的几间房子装修好接待更多的客人。”魏子淇说。

      “我很喜欢这个美丽淳朴的小村庄,”第一次来这里的Jim Yardley先生说道,“还有主人的热情好客,尤其是这道凉拌杏仁给我留下了深刻的印象。”

  • lawrence

    2008-02-09 19:43:17 lawrence

    「冬天里,我回了趟美国。一个朋友问我是否准备给魏佳做一次HIV检查。我想我绝不会这么做,因为我不信任医院」

    在《River Town》里何伟写过一次学校体检,说他死也不肯做 X 光,最后校方只得作罢。当时还以为他是不信任涪陵那种地方的医院(换了我也很难信任),但这里又说「不信任医院」,为啥呢?

  • KK

    2008-02-10 11:14:08 KK

    这儿说的也是不信任地方的医院吧。北京的医院仍然是地方医院咯,化验程序没跟developed countries接轨嘛

  • lawrence

    2008-02-10 12:51:38 lawrence

    不好意思我比较缺乏卫生常识:做个 X 光又能怎么样呢?

  • KK

    2008-02-10 16:00:12 KK

    Are X-rays harmful?

    Expert:
    Dr. Sneh Bhargava
    Radiologist
    Sitaram Bhartia Institute, Delhi

    DrNDTV: What is the purpose of an x-ray?

    Dr. Bhargava: An x-ray is done when we cannot physically see or check an organ. For example, if you have cough and you want to see the lungs, you have to get an x-ray done. The stethoscope can give you some information but an x-ray gives far more information.

    DrNDTV: What is the technology behind an x-ray?

    Dr. Bhargava: X-rays are electromagnetic radiations in a wave form just like gamma, ultraviolet, infrared and radio waves. The only difference is that they have a different wavelength and because of this difference they have different properties. X-rays, for instance, can pass through wood and the human body just like light can pass through glass. When x-rays pass through the human body, a part of it is absorbed and some part goes right through. For instance, the bone in an x-ray looks white whereas the lungs in an x-ray look black.

    DrNDTV: What is the reason behind the harmful effects of an x-ray?

    Dr. Bhargava: The harmful effects of x-rays were known almost immediately after they were discovered, but if judiciously used, the x-rays are not harmful anymore but if used injudiciously, they can cause havoc. As far as the human body is concerned there are three systems, which are affected by x-rays. First, is the genitalia, which if affected may have a negative effect on the progeny. The other main system that is affected is the skin. You can get a rash, hair loss and apart from being cosmetically harmful, they also predispose to cancer. The third system that is affected is the blood. If the red blood cells are affected, then you can suffer from anaemia and if the white blood cells are affected, they can attack your immune system and make you vulnerable to various diseases.

    DrNDTV: How does an x-ray harm a person?

    Dr. Bhargava: There are three groups of people who can be affected by the harmful effects of x-rays. One, of course, is the patient. The second is the radiation worker himself and the third is the general public moving in the hospital where x-rays are used.
    The patient should be exposed to an x-ray only when you need more information than what just a physical examination can give. If you have a situation like tuberculosis where you need to do a recheck to know whether or not the patient is responding to treatment, then you need to make a schedule because an x-ray should not be repeated before three months.

    With reference to the radiation worker, he must protect himself against the main beam of x-rays. When an x-ray is produced, there is a main beam of x-rays as well as scattered x-rays. The cheapest effective method is to maintain distance from the source of the x-ray, and one can stand behind a lead screen to avoid the harmful effect of x-rays. The lead completely absorbs the x-rays and you are safe. If you are a radiologist, then you must wear lead gloves and apron.

    X-rays affect the three body systems - the blood, skin and the genitals. You must protect these organs by any method. For instance, if you are doing an x-ray of the spine in a male patient, you can use gonadal shields so that the gonads do not get exposed. In a woman, unfortunately, you cannot protect the ovaries with gonadal shields during a lumbar spine scan. But wherever you are doing an x- ray, the effort is to give as low a dosage as possible so that you have a diagnostic quality and yet you protect the parts of the body that can be harmed x-rays.


    DrNDTV: Are there different types of x-rays that give out different amounts of radiation?

    Dr. Bhargava: Yes, as I said the diagnostic rays are different. There are the ones that pass through and the ones that are absorbed. So the waves with shorter wavelength are therapeutic, and those with relatively higher wavelengths are diagnostic.

    Caller: How can one measure the leakage? When the x-ray machine is not in use, is there any leakage?

    Dr. Bhargava: A proper machine should have no leakage. Every machine should be checked annually by a trained physicist. They can record whether or not there is any leakage with a dosimeter or with a film. It抯 necessary that you have a physicist check the equipment.
    If the machine is off, then there is no leakage and if the machine is on, then rays must go through a specific point and not get scattered anywhere.

    DrNDTV: Is it harmful to get x-rays done during pregnancy?

    Dr. Bhargava: X-rays should not be done during pregnancy. There is no question of doing abdominal x-ray nowadays because the ultrasound is available. If you want to know anything about the baby, the correct method is the ultrasound. If the x-ray becomes absolutely vital during pregnancy, then you can cover the abdomen or the part where the baby is by a protective lead apron and do a chest x-ray.

    Caller: Would you advise a two weeks pregnant lady to undergo an ultrasound?

    Dr. Bhargava: Ultrasound is totally safe. It has no ionising properties like x-rays and is safe.

    Caller: After I had an x-ray done, I found out that I was pregnant. What shall I do now?

    Dr. Bhargava: If you had the x-ray done and later you found that you were pregnant then that means you were six or seven weeks pregnant at that time. Normally, if you had a chest x-ray done its very unlikely that the baby would be affected, but if you had a pelvic or an abdominal x-ray done, then the baby might or might not be affected. So there is no way in which you can know whether it has affected the baby or not but you can study the baby under the ultrasound guidance.

    DrNDTV: If an x-ray is done during pregnancy then how does it affect the baby?

    Dr. Bhargava: The child could have deformities but we don抰 know what all changes can affect the baby. It is permissible to abort the baby before 20 weeks. By that time you would know if the baby is deformed or not.

    Caller: What is fluoroscopy and where is it used?

    Dr. Bhargava: Fluoroscopy means when you pass x-rays through a medium, like the human body, they are visible on a selenium plate which becomes fluorescent due to the x-rays. So when x-rays make it fluorescent you can see the body through this. This is used to see the dynamic movements, which a static x-ray cannot do.

    DrNDTV: Are dental x-rays more harmful?

    Dr. Bhargava: No, they have the same effects.

    DrNDTV: Are x-rays more harmful to children than adults?

    Dr. Bhargava: Yes, x-rays are more harmful to children because x-rays are cumulative. Its not that you get one exposure and you get a dose. And since the child has a longer period of life to go through, one tends to say that x-rays should be minimum. Today, with other types of non-ionising radiations available like ultrasound and magnetic resonance imaging, x-rays in children are used minimally.

    DrNDTV: How many waves forms are available?

    Dr. Bhargava: The wave forms available today are ultrasound (which is the cheapest), magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) and radioisotopes. So there is a choice of diagnostic modalities available and depending upon the disease suspected, a modality is chosen that gives the maximum information with minimum input.


  • chinaman

    2008-04-30 00:09:07 chinaman

    丿


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